location of private-sector jobs has changed; high-paying union jobs in the manufacturing sector,
the steel industry, and other former bastions of private-sector unionization have mostly gone
overseas, or to the South, where it’s harder to organize workers. On the other hand, it’s difficult to
move government jobs away from the communities they serve. A Philadelphia school, for
example, couldn’t just decide it was going to relocate its teachers to Atlanta. Also, public-sector
labor forces tend to be more static than in the private sector. More plants than post offices have
closed.
Are these trends problems? Though this is partly a political question, let’s look at it objectively in
terms of plusses and minuses.
On the positive side, by negotiating as a collective, unionized workers are able to earn, on
average, roughly 15 percent more than their non-union counterparts. Unions also can protect the
rights of workers against capricious actions by employers. Consider the following example:
Lydia criticized the work of five of her coworkers. They were not amused and
posted angry messages on a Facebook page. Lydia complained to her supervisor
that the postings violated the employer’s “zero tolerance” policy against “bullying
and harassment.” The employer investigated and, agreeing that its policy had
been violated, fired the five. The National Labor Relations Board, however, ruled
this an unfair labor practice and ordered reinstatements.
Most of us would probably prefer not to be fired for Facebook posts. This is a protection unions
can provide.
On the negative side, public-sector unions at times have been able to negotiate employment
arrangements that are hard to sustain. For more than 25 years, the union that represents
California’s prison guards—the California Correctional Peace Officers Association (CCPOA)—
lobbied the state to increase the number of prisons and to increase sentences (such as via the
“three strikes” law). The lobbying worked; additional prisons have been built, the prison
population has exploded, and thousands of new prison personnel have been hired. With its
membership at almost 30,000 and millions of dollars for skillful lobbying, the power of the
CCPOA would now be difficult to overestimate. As a result, an entry-level corrections officer can
earn up to $65,000 in base salary with generous benefits, plus over $100,000 in overtime and
bonuses, after just 4 months of free training. All this is at the expense of taxpayers in a state
where the budget is “precariously balanced and faces the prospect of deficits in succeeding
years.”
It is often extremely difficult to fire a member of a public-sector union, even if performance is
exceptionally poor. Aryeh Eller, a former music teacher at Hillcrest High School in Queens, was
pulled from the classroom for repeated sexual harassment of female students, a charge to which
he has admitted. While in the “rubber room,” where union members unfit to work are paid their
full wage to just sit, Eller has seen his salary increase to $85,000 due to automatic seniority
increases under the teachers’ union contract. Such protections exist for teachers in nearly every
state, protecting even those arrested for having sex with minors and giving minors drugs.
Teachers are not alone. There are rubber rooms for many types of union jobs.
Reasonable people can disagree about the pros and cons of unions, and whether they help or
hinder an organization’s ability to be successful. There isn’t any dispute, however, that they often
figure prominently in the study of workplace conflict and negotiation strategies.