Collaborating
with Activists:
H
OW
S
TARBUCKS
W
ORKS
W
ITH
NGO
S
Paul A. Argenti
Starbucks CEO Orin Smith was in for an unpleasant surprise at his
company’s annual shareholders meeting in February 2000. The
meeting had always been a fun, all-day affair during which share-
holders from around the country gathered to celebrate the
company’s success. That year, however, Smith and other senior Starbucks execu-
tives heard complaints from Global Exchange, a non-governmental organization
(NGO) focused on human rights. Dedicated to promoting environmental, politi-
cal, and social justice around the world, Global Exchange criticized Starbucks for
profiting at the coffee farmer’s expense by paying low prices and not buying
“Fair Trade” coffee beans. Not only did the activists disrupt the company’s
This article, written in cooperation with executives from Starbucks, ana-
lyzes the company’s ultimate decision to sell Fair Trade coffee and subsequently
work with other NGOs to ensure that small farmers receive a living wage, in an
effort to live up to the standards Starbucks set for itself in the area of social
responsibility.
1
91CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004
The Changing Environment for Corporations and NGOs
In the United States and Europe, distrust in corporations is at an all-time
high. Fueled by accounting scandals, exorbitant CEO compensation packages,
and concerns that globalization contributes to ever-widening income disparities
and the homogenization of cultures, public attitudes toward business have been
in a downward spiral since the late 1960s.
Over a thirty-year period, the marketing consulting firm Yankelovich
asked American citizens to answer this question: “Does business strike a fair
balance between profit and the public interest?” In 1968, 70 percent of the pop-
ulation answered “yes.” By 1976, that number had dropped to 15 percent due to
sentiment toward business has only gotten worse in the last few years.
NGOs into the “Trust-Void”
While corporations have certainly acted in ways that have contributed to
negative attitudes about business, these acts, in their own right, would not have
been sufficient to cause corporations the kinds of problems in which many of
them are embroiled. By using the media and the more egalitarian and pervasive
distribution channel for information created by the Internet, NGOs have more
powerful tools than ever to threaten corporate reputations. According to one
global advocacy group focused on sustainability: “[NGOs] are the moral compass
and ethical watchdogs against the forces of government and capitalism that seek
3
“operate in society’s best interests,” 48 percent
and 52 percent of respondents stated they had
little to no trust in global corporations or large
national companies, respectively. At the same
time, only 32 percent of respondents expressed
distrust in NGOs. Meanwhile, 59 percent of respondents stated that they had a
lot or some trust in NGOs while only 39 and 42 percent trusted global corpora-
tions or large national companies. Seemingly, people are predisposed to trust
NGOs, viewing both their pure motives and statements about corporations as
fact. In fact, most people seem only to question the credibility of an NGO when
the NGO has partnered with a corporation that the public views as having suspi-
cious motives.
Collaborating with Activists: How Starbucks Works With NGOs
CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 200492
Paul A. Argenti is Professor of Corporate
Communication at Dartmouth’s Tuck School
of Business. <paul.argenti@dartmouth.edu>
NGOs evolved to influence governments. However, many now realize
that targeting corporations, and key corporate constituents such as investors and
customers, can be an even more powerful way to effect change. Simon Heap, of
the International NGO Training and Research Centre, argues in his book, NGOs
Engaging with Business: A World of Difference and a Difference to the World, that as the
balance of power shifted from governments to multinational corporations, NGOs
had no choice but to change their approach to social problems.
4
In some ways,
century—are the multinational corporations and the NGOs.”
Given the public’s broad-based disillusionment with business, it is not
surprising that NGOs have gained power and credibility in recent years. As
reported in a recent poll by Edelman Worldwide, an international public rela-
tions firm:
NGOs have moved quickly into the “trust-void” and have taken advantage of the
downward spiral in public perceptions of government, media, [and] corporations
. . . “thought-leaders” are two to three times as likely to trust an NGO to do what
is right compared to large companies because they are seen as being motivated by
morals rather than just profit.
6
The same study revealed that trust in NGOs in the United States is
approaching parity with business and government.
7
Jonathan Wootliff, Manag-
ing Director of Edelman’s Stakeholder Strategies unit in Brussels and New York,
states: “It is clear that NGOs can demand a seat at the table, without resorting to
the street.”
8
In addition, the anti-war movement that formed against the war in Iraq
in the spring of 2003 created an opportunity for NGOs to reposition themselves
on college campuses along with other traditional activists. According to Peter
legitimate anti-war movement, under the opposition to “war for oil” theme.”
Another hypothesis that may explain the rise of NGOs, the numbers of
which have nearly quadrupled in the past decade,
10
is institutional organization
theory, which posits that public expectations of corporations evolve with
changes in the social environment. Arnold and Handelman’s research on insti
tutional organization theory argues that organizations’ actions fall into two
categories: performative actions (such as assortment of merchandise, competitive
prices, and convenient locations in the retail industry) and institutional actions
Collaborating with Activists: How Starbucks Works With NGOs
CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 93
of even high-performative firms and low-performative firms with high-insti-
tutional orientations could outperform high-performative firms. Finally, the
authors note that activists can raise the minimum standard to which customers
The Category Killers
NGOs are in the unique position to be focused on single, specific issues—
“category killers” in a debate with individual corporations. Deri and Wootliff
shed light on NGOs’ emerging role as category killers.
12
“Category killer” refers
to the ability of an NGO to focus on one issue at a time just as some retailers are
able to beat competitors with multiple products by only selling one kind of prod-
uct and, thus, gaining a competitive advantage. One reason NGOs have gained
Not only are NGO communications usually far more sophisticated than
what corporations produce, they are also more interesting and more likely to
receive positive media attention. NGOs can act with a swiftness that their more
bureaucratic corporate counterparts often cannot. Wootliff, who served as public
relations director for Greenpeace before joining Edelman, puts it this way: “The
advantage, when I was working at Greenpeace, running a communications
department, is that we could put out press releases pretty damn quick [sic]. We
found that corporations would take days. I knew this from having worked in the
corporate world before . . . they had to go through lawyers and the legal and the
legislative departments.”
13
Along with their ability to focus, gain attention, and act quickly is the
high level of credibility NGOs have cultivated with many constituencies. In
recent surveys released by SustainAbility, a UK-based international consulting
firm that has been studying the relationship between business and society for
over a decade, NGOs scored much higher than corporations, governments, and
the media across a wide variety of issues including the environment, human
14
“selfless crusades” against what they portray as corporate greed.
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 200494
Assessing the NGO Threat
Although many NGOs may be advocates for the same cause, they are by
no means created equal, nor do they operate in the same way. Depending on the
organization involved and the target of their concern, NGOs play different roles
at different times and use a variety of tactics, from violent protests to collabora-
tion, to enforce their messages. NGOs’ approaches to social issues—and therefore
the threats they pose to big business—differ greatly based on their philosophies
and historical practices. Therefore, their threats carry varying levels of credibility.
In their recently published report: The 21st Century NGO In the Market for
Change, SustainAbility, Global Compact, and the United Nations Environment
Programme offer a framework to categorize NGOs by the following five
approaches used to threaten corporations.
17
Developing Campaigns Against Business—These campaigns, such as Green-
peace’s attack on Shell following the company’s decision to dump the
Brent Spar oil rig in the ocean in the 1990s, typically focus on a single
issue, target companies with successful and well-known brands such as
McDonald’s and Nike, and are augmented by market trends such as the
homogenization created by chains like Wal-Mart and Starbucks. NGOs
Attempting to Build Market Intelligence—NGOs who focus on building mar-
ket intelligence appear to have developed a more sophisticated under-
standing of the value chain, key business drivers, and market behavior.
They tend to target key constituencies as they try to change how business
acts. For example, People and Planet, a student activist group focused on
the employee constituency, recently infiltrated a series of job fairs run by
ExxonMobil in an attempt to convince potential employees that joining
the company was a bad idea.
19
Likewise, NGOs trying to stop Monsanto
from marketing genetically modified products in Europe have focused on
supermarkets supplying the end product to consumers.
Engaging Businesses—Many NGOs have discovered that the best way of
leveraging corporate and market change is to get directly involved. As
Randall Hayes, founder of the Rainforest Action Network has said: “If
you [as an NGO] are not talking to business, you are just preaching to the
effort with the company.
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 95
Strive to Make Market Mechanisms More Intelligent—Most interactions
between NGOs and corporations listed so far have been at the level of
individual companies. The fourth strategy focuses instead on trying to
change the entire market. As the late Professor Donella Meadows of Dart-
mouth College said about confronting the WTO: “This is a huge system!
We’re cranking the system in the wrong direction and the control mea-
22
environmental and social concerns.
Disrupting Markets—Major market changes are atypical in most developed
markets in the short term, but some markets are disrupted over time as a
result of changing attitudes. As an example, the market for tobacco has
changed dramatically over the last forty years. A coalition of NGOs led by
Friends of the Earth International is currently attempting to apply lessons
learned in tobacco litigation to a variety of other industries to deal with
issues such as obesity and climate change.
NGOs’ standard responses, usually reflective of their underlying philos-
ophies, dictate the kind of relationships they develop with businesses. These
relationships can be categorized by the degree of intended disruption (e.g., con-
frontation versus collaboration) and the level of discrimination between targets
(e.g., focused on one versus a number of companies). For the purposes of this
fend off more aggressive NGOs focused on disruption.
Starbucks and Global Exchange: The Battle over Fair Trade Coffee
Starbucks began working with NGOs in 1996, and the company’s rela-
tionships with various NGOs illustrate both the spectrum of business responses
to NGOs and the changing NGO landscape. Though Starbucks has been the
recipient of numerous accolades for social responsibility, the company’s visibility
in the marketplace makes it a target for NGOs, the media, and consumers. As
noted, Global Exchange first focused its spotlight on Starbucks in 2000, criticiz-
ing it for not buying Fair Trade coffee. Since its initial dealings with Global
Exchange, Starbucks has taken innovative steps to work collaboratively with
NGOs to create social change.
Overview of the Coffee Industry
An examination of the coffee industry and some of the market factors
that contributed to the increasing emphasis on Fair Trade Certified coffee helps
Collaborating with Activists: How Starbucks Works With NGOs
CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 200496
to put Global Exchange’s attack on Starbucks in context. By 2000, coffee was
the second most traded commodity on worldwide markets after oil
25
and an
$80 billion industry. The coffee market is fragmented, with many layers between
coffee bean producers and the end-consumer. For example, in 2001, between 50
and 70 percent of global coffee came from small-scale farms, which usually do
26
market.
Small producers often have difficulties financing their operations
throughout the year and sell their crop prior to harvest for a cash advance to
middlemen, known as “coyotes.” These middlemen provide small farmers with
credit at high interest rates in exchange for bringing their beans to market. As a
result, small-scale farmers are often caught in a perpetual cycle of poverty: low
production levels limit their access to cash which, in turn, hinders the potential
for increasing output.
28
Like any other commodity product, coffee prices depend greatly on sup-
ply and demand. The cyclical nature of the coffee market also does not favor
small farmers, who are forced out during times of overproduction. When subse-
By 2000, coffee prices had reached the lowest levels they had experienced
in more than 50 years as a result of oversupply.
29
In 1998, the composite coffee
price was over $1 per pound, but by the following year, it had dropped to less
than 86 cents.
30
In 2000, it had fallen to just over 64 cents per pound, and over-
supply was expected to continue for the next five years.
31
Also, the percentage
of the coffee price that ended up in the hands of the farmers was usually very
low due to the many layers between farmer and consumer, particularly the cof-
fee “coyotes.” In the long term, the hope of coffee prices rising was dim.
32
Starbucks and Social Responsibility
Starbucks is known as a company that puts “people first and profits
last.”
33
In fact, the number one principle in Starbucks’ mission statement, which
guides all of the company’s business decisions, is to “provide a great work envi-
ronment and treat each other with respect and dignity.”
34
Howard Schultz, who purchased Starbucks from its founders in 1987 and
was Chairman and Chief Global Strategist in 2000, managed the business by his
philosophy that if you “treat people like family . . . they will be loyal and give
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 97
their all.”
35
In return for the company’s good treatment of its partners
(Starbucks’ term for employees), Starbucks had a turnover rate of just 60 per-
cent in 2000, compared to the restaurant industry average of 220 percent.
36
Furthermore, 82 percent of partners claimed to be “very satisfied” and 15 per-
cent as “satisfied” with their jobs when asked by outside audit agencies.
37
Just as treating partners well is one of the pillars of Starbucks’ culture, so
is contributing positively to the communities it serves and to the environment.
38
Starbucks made this commitment not only because it was the right thing to do,
but also because its workforce was aware and concerned with social and envi-
Your Heart Into It.
To support coffee-producing countries, Starbucks contributes to CARE, a
worldwide relief and development foundation, specifying that its support go to
coffee producing nations.
40
By 2001, Starbucks had contributed more than $1.8
million to CARE.
41
In 1998, Starbucks began a partnership with Conservation
International, a nonprofit organization that promotes biodiversity in coffee-
percent above the market price and increased exports by 50 percent.
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 200498
Starbucks Mission Statement
Establish Starbucks as the premier purveyor of the finest coffee in the world while maintaining
our uncompromising principles while we grow.
The following six guiding principles will help us measure the appropriateness of our decisions:
Provide a great work environment and treat each other with respect and dignity.
Embrace diversity as an essential component in the way we do business.
Source: <www.starbucks.com/aboutus/environment.asp>
Throughout the 1990s, Starbucks continued to institutionalize its commit-
ment to social and environmental responsibility. In 1992, the company devel-
oped an environmental mission statement to articulate more clearly how it
interacts with the environment. Starbucks hired Sue Mecklenburg in 1994 as
the first Director of Environmental Affairs, where she was given the task of
Global Exchange and Fair Trade Coffee
Starbucks’ commitment to social responsibility did not go unnoticed. In
2000, the company was listed 46th on the list of “100 Best Corporate Citizens”
by Business Ethics. The same year, Starbucks was also 88th on Fortune’s list of
the 100 Best Companies to Work For.” However, despite these endorsements,
Global Exchange launched a grassroots campaign directed toward Starbucks in
early 2000.
Global Exchange, as the popular leader of the “corporate accountability”
movement, primarily targets companies that move their assets toward the
The concept of fair trade began after World War II as church–affiliated,
non-profit organizations purchased handmade products for resale from Euro-
pean producers.
45
Fair trade is an economic model based on fair labor compen-
sation and mutual respect between producers and consumers. By the late 1990s,
the fair trade movement had gained a foothold in the United States, and in early
1999, TransFair USA, a third-party licensing organization, launched its Fair
Trade Certified coffee label. According to TransFair USA, the impact for United
Global Exchange’s fair trade campaign originally did not have a corporate
angle. While activists were successful in educating pockets of consumers, the
organization’s leaders soon realized that they could increase consumer aware-
ness by directing blame for the farmers’ woes and linking poor labor conditions
to a company’s core product. Global Exchange decided to take an anti-corpora-
tion approach to this issue and focused its attention on the most visible brand in
specialty coffee: Starbucks.
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 99
industry. Also, Starbucks was based in the United States, making it an easier
target for Global Exchange, which uses tactics such as demonstrations in front
of retail locations and attendance at shareholder meetings.
47
The strong Starbucks’ brand provided yet another reason to target the
company. Interbrand and Business Week magazine ranked Starbucks 88th in its
list of “Best Global Brands” in 2000 and also named it the fastest-growing brand.
Despite Starbucks’ high visibility and respected brand, the company attracted its
share of critics. Starbucks’ critics pointed to “questionable” real estate practices,
which they claimed put local establishments out of business and focused on
Starbucks as one of the brands responsible for a homogeneous culture.
48
As
rallies and demonstrations.
Sue Mecklenburg, now Vice President for Business Practices at Starbucks,
characterized Global Exchange’s targeting of Starbucks as an attempt to pick
“low hanging fruit.” Because roasters and retailers of the specialty coffee indus-
try were already accustomed to paying a premium for their coffee, they were
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004100
Definition of Fair Trade Coffee
TransFair USA defines Fair Trade coffee according to five basic guidelines:
A Fair Price: Producer cooperatives are guaranteed a fair price (a floor price of $1.26 per
pound for regular coffee and $1.41 for certified organic coffee or 5 cents above the pre-
vailing market price).
Democratic Organization: Producers must belong to cooperatives or associations that are
transparent and democratically controlled by their members.
Source: <www.transfairusa.org/content/works/wrk_index.jsp>
supermarkets where there was no visible platform to target the brands. Demon-
strations at Starbucks’ stores could disrupt the flow of operations and create an
embarrassing situation for the company.
51
Nonetheless, Global Exchange’s campaign took Starbucks by surprise. In
November 1999, Paul Rice, a representative of TransFair USA, pitched Fair Trade
coffee to Starbucks representatives. Rice seemed cautiously optimistic after these
meetings. “I didn’t have any expectation that they would sign up immediately,”
Rice said. “They had concerns and I knew it would take a couple of months to
52
James.
A few days later, James attended the Starbucks’ annual shareholders
meeting with other Global Exchange employees, including Medea Benjamin,
who had led Global Exchange’s campaign against Nike. During the open forum
portion of the meeting, Benjamin took the microphone and asked why Star-
bucks wouldn’t offer Fair Trade coffee. As James describes it, “Things got heated
and we were physically removed from the meeting. However, we met with Sue
Mecklenburg afterwards and explained our demands. If Starbucks didn’t offer
way to get the CEO to buy into Fair Trade coffee,” said James.
Addressing the Global Exchange Threat:
Evaluating Starbucks’ Alternatives
In the face of Global Exchange’s threat, Starbucks had to assess the NGO’s
credibility, then evaluate the potential ramifications of this threat to the com-
pany, and, finally, consider how to respond.
As evidenced in Global Exchange’s campaign against Nike, this NGO had
established a reputation for successfully executing unrelenting, aggressive, and
damaging campaigns that ended in the targeted company’s capitulation to its
demands. Starbucks understood that Global Exchange posed a credible threat
and would pursue its campaign until Starbucks relented.
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 101
to Starbucks’ quality standards. In this case, Starbucks’ need for access to high-
quality coffee conflicted with its pride in being a socially responsible company.
Treating partners (employees), customers, suppliers, and communities with dig-
nity and respect was essential to the company. Starbucks’ reputation for both
quality coffee and social responsibility was on the line.
In their recent California Management Review article “The Power of
Activism: Assessing the Impact of NGOs on Global Business,” Debora Spar and
Lane La Mure suggest that businesses base their responses to NGO threats on
how those threats would affect the company’s transaction costs, brand, and com-
56
The threat to Starbucks’ brand and competitive position also appeared
daunting. Starbucks was concerned that the quality of Fair Trade coffee that
Starbucks was able to source could turn out to be very different from the rest
of its 30 whole-bean coffee line. “Honestly, we didn’t want to put our brand at
risk,” said Tom Ehlers, Vice President of the Whole Bean department. “This was
an uncharted category and, as marketers, we were concerned about endorsing a
product that didn’t meet our quality standards.”
57
If Starbucks were forced out of
the high quality niche, its competitive position would erode, opening it up to
competitive threats from smaller players, such as Peet’s Coffee, which were small
enough to escape Global Exchange’s notice. In addition, claims of human rights
violations would smear the company’s reputation and therefore damage its
brand.
An analysis using Spar and La Mure’s criteria of transaction costs, brand,
and competitive positioning thus appears to point to a strategy of capitulation.
However, this analysis does not consider the full ramifications of Global
Exchange’s threat. The threat goes deeper, with the potential to affect some of
Starbucks’ most important constituents, jeopardizing the company’s reputation,
mission, and business model. Recognizing this, Starbucks took a broader per-
spective and evaluated the threat not just as a financial issue, but as a communi-
cation issue that would affect multiple constituents in different ways.
Starbucks was battling a “category killer” that used communication as a
powerful weapon. To fight this threat successfully, Starbucks had to evaluate its
Partners (Employees)—Starbucks’ partners chose to work for a company
with strong values because many were concerned about corporate social
responsibility. Maintaining both high partner morale and customer ser-
vice was essential to Starbucks’ continued success. If Global Exchange
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004102
executed a successful campaign against Starbucks, partners could lose
faith in the integrity and values of their company. Alternatively, Starbucks
recognized that its partners would likely embrace the move to sell Fair
Trade coffee as yet another sign of caring for its communities.
Customers—Customers flocked to Starbucks for high-quality coffee, the
experience, and convenience. Nationwide protests could, at a minimum,
damage Starbucks’ image as a socially responsible company or, at an
extreme, disrupt business operations and make it physically difficult for
Suppliers—In weighing the Fair Trade coffee issue, Mary Williams, Senior
Vice President of Coffee at the time, had concerns with how the farmers
she worked with would react when they discovered that other farmers
received the same price without being held to the Starbucks quality stan-
dards. As Williams explained,
“The relationships I have with farmers were built over the last 20 years. It’s
taken some of them years before I would use their beans consistently and pay
them $1.25 or more. Now I was being asked to use another farmer who I did-
n’t know and pay him the same price without the same quality standards?”
58
Community—In addition to sustaining and growing its business, Starbucks
supported causes “in both the communities where Starbucks stores were
located and the countries where Starbucks coffee was grown.”
59
The Fair
Trade coffee decision had implications for both. Starbucks firmly believed
that when it opened a store, the company added value to that community
because the store “becomes an instant gathering spot, a Third Place that
draws people together.”
60
As each Starbucks store drew most of its busi-
Shareholders—While Starbucks placed “people over profits,” shareholders
were still an extremely important constituency group.
61
The company’s
ability to differentiate a commodity product through quality, image, and
social responsibility allowed the company to profit. The Starbucks brand
itself was a key driver of the company’s profitability. To maintain that
profitability, Starbucks had to ensure uninterrupted business operations
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CALIFORNIA MANAGEMENT REVIEW VOL. 47, NO. 1 FALL 2004 103
of coffee—where it comes from and how to make it come alive for the
customer. We weren’t really sure where Fair Trade beans would be com-
ing from,” explained Tim Kern, Whole Bean product manager.
62
Besides
confirming the marketing message and being able to communicate it
effectively to both employees and customers, Kern wasn’t sure Starbucks
could change its product offerings as quickly as outsiders thought the
company could.
The Media—Starbucks also had to consider the media, who typically
endorsed the NGOs’ campaigns and gave them prominent coverage. The
media almost inevitably cast the activists as the “good guys” working for
Starbucks’ decision came down to priorities. On one hand was the com-
pany’s mission to be socially responsible; on the other was its desire to sell high-
quality coffee. The company did not want to sacrifice either objective, nor did it
want to alienate any of its constituents. Sourcing requirements did not allow the
company to immediately provide Fair Trade coffee. Global Exchange, however,
was unwilling to compromise on its demands and claimed not to understand the
business impediments Starbucks faced in meeting them. Time had run out.
Starbucks’ Decision:
Good Faith Effort or “Too Little,Too Late”?
Starbucks faced a spectrum of possible responses to Global Exchange’s
demands, ranging from ignoring the NGO, to fighting back, to capitulation.
Based on precedent, Starbucks knew Global Exchange was tenacious and would
not disappear if the company pursued the first option. While Starbucks could
Ultimately, Starbucks CEO Orin Smith pursued a middle ground alterna-
tive between fighting back against Global Exchange and completely capitulating
to the NGO’s demands. To appease Global Exchange, Starbucks agreed to sell
Fair Trade coffee in its domestic company-owned stores, with the understanding
that they would reevaluate the decision in a year and decide whether to con-
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