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mill and then putting a roller-coaster through it. To do that, we began to understand, could
trivialize and even demean the attempt to portray the steel mill realistically.”
Of his critics, Eisner complains, “By any reasonable measure, this attack on Disney’s
America was dramatically overstated. . . . Much like negative advertising in a political campaign,
[their] incendiary claims were effective in influencing public opinion and putting us further on
the defensive. I was suddenly the captain of Exxon’s Valdez. . . . By the summer of 1994,
opposing Disney’s America had become a fashionable cause célèbre in the media centers of New
York City and Washington, D.C. . . . Fairness seemed to have given way to polemics.”
In the end, Eisner explains that financial projections made in late August 1994 “showed
that rather than the profit we’d previously projected for Disney’s America, we were now facing
the prospect of substantial losses.” On the cost side, Eisner attributed the losses to the current
The revised figures, coupled with the psychic impact of Wells’ death, Eisner’s by-pass
surgery, and Katzenburg’s departure led to the decision to abandon plans for Disney’s America.
As Eisner concludes,
I still believed that it was possible to get Disney’s America built, but the
question now was at what cost. . . . [A]fter two weeks of soul-searching, we
finally agreed that it wasn’t fair to subject the company to more trauma. The
issue was no longer who was right or wrong. We had lost the perception game.
Others interpreted the situation as one in which Eisner himself needed better handling. In
The Keys to the Kingdom, former Washington Post reporter Kim Masters says Eisner’s dealings
with the media had suffered since late 1992 when he lost his chief of corporate communications,
Erwin Okun, to cancer. “Okun had a shrewd yet avuncular style that worked well with the
press,” wrote Masters. Journalist Peter Boyer said of Okun “‘He somehow pushed that button in