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JUDGMENT CALL #6
SHOULD PRO-CHOICE FEMINISTS EXPAND THEIR FOCUS BEYOND ABORTION
AND TOWARD REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS?
A woman’s right to safe and legal abortion has been a central issue in feminisms since the start
of the second wave; in fact, the phrase “pro–choice” came out of some second–wave feminists’
efforts to legalize abortion. Today, many mainstream feminist organizations, including the
National Organization for Women (NOW) and the Feminist Majority Foundation, advocate for
abortion rights. However, not all feminists are comfortable with the focus on abortion rights or
the phrase “pro–choice.” Not surprisingly, both the term and the focus are unwelcome to
feminists who identify as “pro–life.” Many women of color feminists also are opposed to the
focus and term, although for different reasons. Women of color feminists argue that the focus on
abortion and the use of the term “choice” reflect the experiences of white, upper-middle-class
women to the exclusion of women of color and poor women. Women of color feminists point
out that “choice” is possible only if a woman has access to abortion services, which can be
expensive and unobtainable if an abortion-provider is not located nearby. Similarly, women of
color feminists point out that during the second wave, many women of color were fighting
against coercive policies and practices, such as forced sterilization, that precluded some poor
women and women of color from having children. Although forced sterilization is no longer
practiced, women of color feminists point to contemporary practices that continue to prohibit
some women from bearing children, including welfare policies that impose “family caps,” a lack
of access to pre-natal care, expensive health insurance, and a lack of access to reproductive
services in women’s native languages. As such, some women of color organizations, such as
Sistersong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective, urge feminists to abandon the term
“choice” as well as the focus on abortion rights and to focus instead on ensuring that all women
have access to health and social services that will enable them to make real decisions about their
reproductive lives. Instead of “choice,” they suggest feminists utilize terms such as
“reproductive justice,” “reproductive freedom,” and “reproductive rights.” Indeed, they suggest
that such terms and such a focus may even bring pro-life feminists into the fold because abortion
will no longer be the central issue.
What do you think of the suggestion that feminist organizations turn their attention away
from abortion rights and toward reproductive justice?
* Why do you think feminist organizations have been so focused on abortion rights?
* Do you think that the term “choice” obscures attention to issues and concerns of
women who are not white and middle-class? Why or why not?
* What are the possible benefits and pitfalls associated with turning away from a
focus on abortion rights and toward a focus on reproductive justice?
* Do you think that a turn toward “reproductive justice” and related terms will bring
pro-life feminists into the fold? Why or why not?
References
125
Hayden, S. (2009). Revitalizing the Debate between <Life> and <Choice>: The 2004
March for Women’s Lives. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 6, 111-31.
Palczewski, C. H. (2010). Reproductive Freedom: Transforming the Discourse of
Choice. In Sara Hayden and D. Lynn O’Brien Hallstein, (eds.), Contemplating Maternity in an
Era of Choice: Explorations into Discourses of Reproduction. (Lanham, MD: Lexington.)
Silliman, J., Fried, M. G., Ross, L., & Gutiérrez, E. R. (eds.) (2004). Undivided
Rights: Women of Color Organize for Reproductive Justice. Cambridge: South End Press.
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JUDGMENT CALL #7
WHERE SHOULD FEMINSTS’ FOCUS BE?
Intersectionality is a central term in much contemporary feminist scholarship and
activism; it is particularly prevalent in the “third wave.” Intersectional scholarship and activism
recognizes the multiple and intersecting axes of power that form our identities and around which
instances of oppression and resistance are enacted. This means that in addition to attending to
issues of gender/sex/sexuality, third-wave intersectional scholars and activists also address
questions of race, class, nationality, and (dis)ability, among others. In turn, some third-wave
intersectional scholars and activists argue that feminists and feminisms must move beyond
“women’s issues” and focus on social justice issues broadly construed. For example, Laboton
and Martin (2004), editors of The Fire This Time, argue “intersectionality suggests those issues
that have traditionally been associated with the feminist movement—reproductive rights,
domestic violence, date rape, and equal pay for equal work—are not the only issues that should
define it” (p. xxxiv). While Laboton and Martin are not suggesting that these “traditional”
second-wave issues no longer matter, they argue:
We should not become so distracted by the core issues that we neglect other social
justice concerns. The borders of feminism need to be split open, both so that we are
freed from ideological rigidity and so that other identity claims of race, sexuality, class,
nationality, and geography can move beyond being simply “tolerated” or “included.”
(p. xxxiv)
A similar sentiment is articulated by Lisa Jervis, co-founding editor of the third-wave feminist
magazine Bitch: “Gender isn’t always the primary mode of analysis. . . Anti-poverty work,
international human-rights work, and labor are all issues that are feminist issues, but they aren’t
all about women” (Rowe-Finkbiner, 2004, p. 34).
Reflect on the arguments put forth by intersectional feminists. Do you agree or disagree
with what they advocate? Specifically, consider the following:
* What do you think motivates intersectional feminists to broaden their focus from
“women’s issues” to social justice?
* What might be some of the implications, both negative and positive, of turning
feminists’ attention from “women’s issues” to social justice?
* What issues should intersectional scholars and activists focus on? What decision
criteria should guide their focus?
* If feminists focus on social justice broadly construed, is the term “feminism”
necessary? Is feminism still a legitimate social movement/area of scholarship?
References
127
Hayden, S. and O’Brien Hallstein, D. L. (in press). “Placing Sex/Gender at the Forefront:
Feminism, Intersectionality, and Communication Studies. In Karma Chavez and Cindy Griffen
(eds.) Standing in the Intersections: Feminisms, Intersectionality, and Communication Studies.
Labaton, V. and Martin, D. L. (eds.) (2004). The Fire This Time: Young Activists and
the New Feminism. New York: Anchor Books.
Rowe-Finkbiner, K., (2004). The F Word: Feminism in Jeopardy: Women, Politics, and
the Future (Emeryville, CA: Seal Press).
Chapter 4: The Rhetorical Shaping of Gender:
Competing Images of Men
Multiple Choice
1. This branch of the men’s movement encourages men to develop the emotional
capacities that society approves of in women but discourages in men.
A. Mythopoetic Men
B. The White Ribbon Campaign
C. Free Men
D. Profeminist Men
E. Postfeminist Men
2. Jake is at a party with a large group of men when his friend Dan makes a sexist joke
about the physical appearance of a woman they all know. Instead of laughing, Jake tells
Dan that he thinks the joke is inappropriate and that he’d prefer that Dan did not talk
about women that way in front of him. What type of identity has Jake performed in this
scenario?
A. an offensive identity
B. a men’s rights identity
C. a traitorous identity
D. a Free Men identity
E. none of the above
3. This men’s movement professes that most men are not violent and that men should work
together to change the few who are violent.
A. White Ribbon Campaign
B. Mentors in Violence Prevention
C. NOMAS
D. Free Men
E. none of the above
4. Which of the following statements is true of men’s rights activists?
A. They aim to educate men about socialization that links masculinity to violence and
aggression to motivate them to reject violence.
B. They voice public support for women’s rights and men’s personal development.
C. They engage in interpersonal persuasion to convince friends and coworkers to alter
discriminatory attitudes and practices.
D. They believe that violence against women is not just a women’s issue.
E. They aim to restore the traditional roles of men and women, and with that the
privileges that men historically enjoyed.
5. According to the principles of the _______ movement, men who condone, encourage,
or ignore violence are just as guilty as those who act violently.
A. NOMAS
B. Profeminist
C. White Ribbon Campaign
D. Mentors in Violence Prevention
E. Mythopoetic Men
6. Which of the following movements is a multifaceted effort to stimulate a national
conversation about what it means to be a good man today?
A. The Promise Keepers
B. Mythopoetic Men
C. NOMAS
D. The Good Men Project
E. Mentors in Violence Prevention
7. Which of the following is true of NOMAS?
A. It stands for the National Organization of Men Against Sexism.
B. It celebrates traditionally masculine values of courage and ambition.
C. It condemns traditionally masculine values of aggression and emotional insensitivity.
D. It attempts to help men understand how their emotional development has been
hindered by our culture’s view of masculinity.
E. All of the above.
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8. Which movement asked men to rededicate themselves to their families, spiritual
transformation, and political action?
A. Million Man March
B. Mythopoetic Men
C. Free Men
D. White Ribbon Campaign
E. Profeminists
9. _______ movements are those who work to support feminist movements in addition to
working to change the way masculinity is constructed in the United States.
A. Free Men
B. Masculinist
C. Men’s equality
D. Profeminist
E. No men’s movements support feminism.
10. Which of the following is/are true of the MVP?
A. MVP was started after the Montreal Massacre in which 14 women were killed.
B. MVP says that if men make a personal commitment to never commit violence,
violence will eventually stop.
C. MVP says that men are socialized to be violent and aggressive.
D. They are a masculinist group.
E. All of the above
12. Topic or question should come from class business. See pages 7-8 of this manual for
details on this activity.
True/False
13. Free Men believe that men are discriminated against, although not as much as women are.
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14. Profeminists endeavor to cultivate emotions that they feel have been suppressed by
masculine socialization.
15. Mythopoetic men argue that modern men experience emotional emptiness related to yearning
to be close to their fathers.
16. Promise Keepers see reconnecting with God’s commandments as the path for men to regain
wholeness.
17. Football coach Joe Ehrmann, who stresses to his team the value of building relationships,
loving one another, and accepting love, is enacting a traitorous identity.
18. Masculinist movements assert that men suffer from discrimination and that men need to
reclaim their rightful status as men.
19. When men observe sexist or violent behavior aimed at women and do not intervene, they are
enacting bystander behavior.
20. NOMAS, MVP, and mythopoetics all agree that the current construction of masculinity can
be harmful.
21. The Promise Keepers developed in response to a horrific act of violence against women that
took place in Montreal (sometimes referred to as the Montreal Massacre).
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ANS: F
REF: p. 87
Identification
22. Mentors in Violence Prevention
23. Mythopoetic men
24. Traitorous identity
25. The Good Men Project
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26. Bystander behavior
27. Men’s rights activist
Essays
28. Identify the goals and the beliefs of the Mentors in Violence Prevention (MVP) and the
White Ribbon Campaign (WRC). Then discuss similarities and differences between the two.
Within your answer, define bystander behavior, indicate which group highlights this, and explain
how the concept is relevant to thinking about our personal agency in shaping gendered attitudes
and beliefs.
29. Describe what is meant by a traitorous identity. Then, either hypothetically or from your own
experience, describe a scenario in which someone performs a traitorous identity. Why do you
think this behavior is difficult for some people? Why is it important to perform?
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30. The Men’s Rights Movement argues that a number of contemporary policies and practices
are discriminatory towards men; moreover, some men’s rights groups argue that feminism is at
least partially responsible for the implementation of these practices and policies. Identify one
contemporary policy or practice that men’s movements have identified as discriminatory and
explain whether or not you agree with that classification.
31. Topic or question should come from class business. See pages 7-8 of this manual for details
on this activity.