individuals who intentionally inflicted a wrong, and should be paid only to those specific
individuals who suffered that wrong. It does not require that compensation should come
from all members of a group containing some wrongdoers, nor that compensation should go
to all members of a group containing some injured parties. Many have attempted to counter
this argument by claiming that every minority living today has been injured by
discrimination and that every white male has benefited from those injuries. Whether these
arguments are successful or not is unclear.
The second way of justifying affirmative action is as an instrument for increasing
utility. This argument furthers it as an instrument for social change, promoting public
welfare. Based on the statistics such as those at the beginning of this chapter, such
arguments maintain that race and gender provide an indicator of need. Since reducing this
need is consistent with utilitarian principles (as it will increase total utility), affirmative
action is justified.
Objections made to this argument question whether the social costs of affirmative action
outweigh their benefits. However, even more elaborate and convincing arguments for
affirmative action are made. They argue that the goal of affirmative action is social justice,
and that affirmative action is a morally legitimate means for achieving this goal.
Presently, women and minorities do not have the equal opportunity that justice demands,
statistics prove this. First, they argue that the end envisioned by affirmative action programs
is equal justice. Secondly, the affirmative actions are morally legitimate means of achieving
this end. The basic end, therefore, is a more just society, and preferential treatment is a
morally legitimate means to attain this end.
However, three reasons have been advanced to show that affirmative action is not, in fact,
morally legitimate. First, it is claimed that affirmative action discriminates against white
males. However, given the definition of discrimination, because the preferential treatment is
not based on contempt of white males, it cannot be said to be the same thing as
discrimination against minorities or women.
Second, some claim that preferential treatment violates the principle of equality because it
takes into consideration race, which is an irrelevant characteristic. Defenders of affirmative
action counter by saying that sexual and racial differences are actually relevant
characteristics.
Third, critics claim that affirmative action actually harms women and minorities by implying
that they are so inferior to white males that they need special help to succeed. This claim is
countered by saying that, though affirmative action undoubtedly has some costs, the
benefits of such programs outweigh them. Moreover, they point out that affirmative action
is not based on an assumption of white male superiority but on recognition of bias in favor
of white males. Finally, they point out that though some minorities may feel inferior because
of affirmative action, many more are made to feel inferior because of racism–and besides,
showing preference towards them does not make them feel inferior.
The success or failure of an affirmative action program also depends in part on the
accommodations a company makes to the special needs of a racially and sexually diverse
workforce. Both women and minorities encounter special workplace problems. The
arguments on both sides are powerful, and the debate continues.
© 2012 Pearson Education, Inc. All Rights Reserved.
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