IV. SUMMARY OF THE MATERIAL
1. Consumption
In earlier chapters, consumption is described as a function solely of current disposable income. In fact,
however, people plan over longer horizons and are willing to borrow to finance current consumption
when current disposable income is temporarily low. As a benchmark, assume that a person wants a
constant flow of consumption over her lifetime. In this case, a perfectly rational person would develop a
consumption plan in two steps. First, she would calculate her total wealth—assets on hand (financial and
housing wealth) plus the present value of future labor income (so-called human wealth). Then, she would
calculate the proportion of this wealth that should be spent each year to maintain a constant consumption
level over her lifetime. If it happened that this level of consumption fell short of current income, the
difference would be borrowed.
In practice, most consumers following such a plan would end up borrowing large sums of money early in
life, because income during college and early working years is likely to be very low relative to income
later in life. In fact, however, most young adults do not borrow the relatively large sums suggested by
simple calculations, for several reasons. First, they may not intend to maintain constant consumption over
their lifetimes. Some expensive leisure activities will be deferred, and plans will be made for higher
expenditures while raising a family. Second, the computations involved in planning for constant
consumption may be too complicated. Life is simpler when decisions are based on rules of thumb. Third,
human wealth is based on forecasts of future earnings, which may turn out to be less than expected.
Consumers may wish to protect against this possibility by borrowing smaller amounts than would be
implied by expected present value calculations. Fourth, banks may be unwilling to extend much credit to
young adults on the expectation of future earnings.
This discussion suggests that consumption is likely to depend on two factors: wealth—because consumers
are to some degree forward looking—and current disposable income—because consumers may be
unwilling or unable to calculate and implement a spending plan expected to maintain constant
consumption over their lifetimes. Evidence on retirement saving suggests that most consumers save
sufficient resources for retirement. This finding lends support to the importance of wealth (and therefore
expectations) in consumption behavior. On the other hand, a substantial fraction of households (about
20% in some studies) do not save enough for retirement. For many of these households, the present value
of Social Security benefits accounts for almost all of their retirement wealth.
The fact that consumption depends upon wealth (which in turn depends upon expectations about the
future) has two empirical implications. First, fluctuations in current income are likely to generate less
than proportional fluctuations in consumption. Unless a fluctuation in current income is permanent,
human wealth (the expected present value of future labor income) will change less than proportionally,
which implies that consumption will probably change less than proportionally as well. Second,
consumption can be affected by changing expectations about the future, even when current income does
not change. A fall in consumer confidence helped create a recession in the United States in 1990-1991. A
decade later, macroeconomists were concerned that consumer confidence would fall dramatically after the
events of September 11 and prolong the recession. In the event, however, although there was some fall in
confidence in the latter part of 2001, the drop was smaller than in 1990-1991, and the economy soon
began to recover. However, the most recent recession following the financial crisis of 2007-2008 is
particularly striking when looking at consumer expectations regarding changes in family income. See
Figure 15-1 on page 318 to view the differences in magnitude of expectations.
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