b) The capital-rich industrial core dominates the Modern World System, exploiting the resource-
abundant periphery.
c) The semi-periphery exists between the Core, which exploits it, and the Periphery, which it exploits.
The core interacts with the semiperiphery and periphery through the global structure of capitalism,
exploiting these regions and also transforming them. The semiperiphery serves more of a political
than an economic role; it is both exploited and exploiter, diffusing opposition of the periphery to the
core region.
d) Modern world systems theory extends some of Marx’s and Lenin’s analysis of class relations within
a nation to analysis of class relations among nations or groups in the world.
e) Wallerstein also blends elements of realism with structuralism. As a mercantilist would, he accepts
the notion that the world is politically arranged in an anarchical manner—that is, there is no single
sovereign political authority to govern interstate relations. However, much like a Marxist-Leninist,
he proposes that power politics and social differences are also conditioned by the capitalist structure
of the world economy.
f) Some critics fault Wallerstein for his overly deterministic argument that nation-states are not free to choose
their courses of action or policies.
Neoimperialism, Neocolonialism, and Empire-Building Redux
a) Neoimperialism is a more subtle approach to classical imperialism, in which states no longer need to
occupy other countries in order to exploit them. When the Vietnam War ended in 1975, many believed that
the “naked” version of classical imperialism was over. U.S. hegemony declined as U.S. economic growth
slowed and the U.S. dollar weakened when the Bretton Woods system formally collapsed in 1971 (see
Chapter 7). The 1973 OPEC oil crisis exposed the U.S. and other core countries’ dependence on foreign oil.
The U.S. public opposed military intervention in developing nations outside the U.S. “sphere of influence”
in Europe, Japan, and Latin America.
b) The works of Harry Magdoff (1913–2006) provide a good example of the older, orthodox version of
Marxist-Leninist ideas related to U.S. imperialism.
c) In the 1980s, as part of the Reagan Doctrine, the United States renewed its efforts to support pro-Western
authoritarian regimes in Central America in order to contain communism. President George H. W. Bush
intervened in the Persian Gulf to protect U.S. oil interests.
d) The fall of the USSR in 1991 ushered in a new age of neoimperialism in which industrialized nations
promoted globalization and economic liberal policies through institutions such as the World Bank and the
IMF. Many structuralists argue that these policies were simply another way to exploit the periphery.
e) President Clinton promoted economic liberal policy objectives with selective military intervention abroad.
His campaign of “engagement and enlargement” mixed hard and soft power to explicitly draw other
countries into the global capitalist economy while expanding the scope of democracy.
f) After 9/11, many experts urged the George W. Bush administration to maintain U.S. hegemony, even to the
point of consciously promoting a new American empire. Meanwhile, many hegemonic policies adopted by
the United States over the last decade have led to more violence and inequality.
g) Going beyond the militarism of the Bush administration, Obama has escalated the use of drones to conduct
extra-legal assassinations—even the illegal assassinations of U.S citizens.
h) Structuralism recognizes that militarism and empire-building are endemic to the American polity because
the political structure operates on behalf of those with wealth and power.
EQUALITY OR AUSTERITY? POLITICAL-ECONOMIC LESSONS FROM THE GREAT RECESSION
a) From a structuralist perspective, the recent crisis was an inevitable consequence of the increasing power of
the capitalist class over the last forty years. Despite an assortment of “bad behaviors” by bankers and
elected officials along with fraud perpetrated by many on Wall Street during the “boom,” many
structuralists see the financial crisis and economic stagnation as the result of laissez-faire economic policies
and not as an unfortunate consequence of a healthy system distorted by a few bad guys.
b) Many structuralists point to the massive increase in inequality within the United States, leading to a greater
exploitation of the working classes by the rich. Overall, the degree of indebtedness grew for the middle
class, leading the ratio of total debt to total assets to increase from 20.6 to 24.3 percent between 1998 and
2007.
c) Throughout the crisis, many were left owing more than their houses were worth.