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are 17 percent, 12 percent, and 5 percent. That is, increasing either class size or enrollment lowers marginal
cost.
Cohn, Rhine, and Santos (1989) studied economies of scope in teaching in schools across the country.2
They measure teaching output as the number of undergraduate and graduate full-time enrollments (that is,
they do not control for qualitative differences). They measure research output indirectly using funds raised
for sponsored research (presumably, if more funds are available, more good research is produced). At
public colleges and universities, they find virtually no scope economies (SC = −0.064) at average output
levels. For higher levels of output, however, they do find scope economies. At private schools, they find
economies of scope at average levels of output (SC = 0.179) and much higher levels of scope economies
at larger output levels. These results indicate that it is less expensive to produce large amounts of teaching
and research at the same institution as separate ones. Put differently, teaching and research are complementary.
The cost savings from scope are larger at larger institutions.
1. How might the results in these two studies change if quality of education were introduced as an
additional variable? How might this be accomplished?
2. What do you believe are possible sources of scope economies in education and research? Might they
be more prevalent in some disciplines than others?
Entrée Economics—The Cost of a Meal3
Recently, at an upscale New York restaurant, a patron was served a pork chop that cost the eatery about
$6.25, including the chop, spices, garnish, and assorted vegetables, and sauce. The price? $23.50.
While a nearly 400 percent markup may seem exorbitant, it is commonplace in the restaurant industry.
Even worse is the markup for salmon. Brian Buckley, Director of Management Studies at Peter Kump’s
New York Cooking School, noted that while people believe salmon is an elegant dish, and while some
even have visions of Alaska when ordering, they are actually purchasing farm–raised fish that costs the
restaurant about $2.50 per pound. The resulting markup comes to about 900 percent. Markups vary
substantially from food to food even within the same restaurant. At the Sunset Grille in Nashville, demand
restricts the restaurant’s ability to mark up its best tenderloin, thus the fairly small markup of 200 percent.
However, like many restaurants, the Grille has a target markup of 300 percent. It makes up the difference
on vegetables—both side dishes and vegetarian entrées are marked up by as much as 500 percent.
Why do these markups seem so outrageous? The Wall Street Journal reporter Eileen Daspin observes,
“(T)o be fair, focusing on the cost of a restaurant meal’s raw ingredients is like calculating the value of
a Picasso based on the cost of the paint.” Eating out as opposed to eating the same food at home involves
many other costs, such as labor, capital (including lease payments, which can be extraordinary in popular
downtown locations), and atmosphere. Nevertheless, some restaurants track costs of materials down to
the last pinch of spice. Steve Uliss, chef–partner of Tennessee’s Real Barbecue Real Fast restaurants in
Massachusetts, claims “If someone with a heavy hand is portioning out seven ounces of beans, we check it
out.” In addition, if all of these markups make it seem like the restaurant business is a no–lose proposition,
think again. “According to Dun and Bradstreet, 100 out of every 10,000 U.S. restaurants failed in 1997,”
notes Daspin.
1. Do ingredients represent a variable cost for restaurants? (Can they be substituted with labor or capital?)
2Elchanan Cohn, Sherrie L.W. Rhine, and Maria C. Santos, “Institutions of Higher Education as Multi–product Firms: Economies
of Scale and Scope,” Review of Economics and Statistics, 71(2), May 1989:284–90.
3Based on Daspin, Eileen, “Entrée Economics,” Wall Street Journal, March 10, 2000: W1, W4.