362 Perloff • Microeconomics: Theory and Applications with Calculus, Third Edition
©2014 Pearson Education, Inc.
an individual level, efficiency wages should work, at a macroeconomic level, they should be inflationary.
Especially in times of very low unemployment (such as 1996–2000), if firms are paying workers some
level above the reservation wage, wage inflation should occur. Unfortunately, empirical confirmation of
this effect is far from certain.
Additional Applications
Movie Contracts1
The movie Forrest Gump was the third highest grossing film of all time, with $660 million in ticket sales.
Its star, Tom Hanks, got $31 million from a percentage of the revenue. Yet its author, producers, and
screenwriter, who were promised a percentage of the reported profit, got nothing in 1994. Thanks to the
miracle of Hollywood accounting, Viacom Inc., the studio distributing the movie, told these people that
the hit film Forrest Gump “lost” $62 million in 1994. At Viacom’s annual meeting in 1995, its chief
executive, Frank Biondi, admitted, “Of course” Gump was profitable, in response to a shareholder’s question.
How can Viacom reconcile those conflicting reports on profitability? Most major studios maintain two
methods for telling their financial stories. One set of books, financial accounting, uses Generally Accepted
Accounting Principles (which accountants use to keep books for tax purposes if they don’t want to end up
in jail) and is shown to studios’ corporate overlords and shareholders. A second set of books, contractual
accounting, is used when one of the big studios commits itself to dividing the proceeds from a film among
actors, directors, writers, animators, producers, and other creative people after the expenses, from distribution
fees to star salaries, have been paid.
This contractual profit bears little resemblance to either accounting or economic profit. To calculate it,
the studio subtracts from gross receipts the distribution fee (30 percent in the United States and Canada
and more abroad), promotional expenses, cost of prints, overhead charges (that are calculated by an
arbitrary rule based on variable costs), and direct costs of production (including payments out of revenues
to stars). The long and the short of it is that the studio does not have to disclose true costs in making these
calculations. Moreover, this measure of profit apparently is smaller than other more standard measures.
Why do stars get a share of revenue, while lesser–known actors, writers, directors, and others agree to
take a share of net profit? Presumably, the stars have more bargaining power. They will certainly be paid
because revenues are positive even if the net profit measure is not. The studios offer others relatively less
lucrative contracts based on these contractual profits, so they receive these contingent payments only if
the film is extremely successful. In other words, the studio pushes much of the risk onto these people.
Estimates of the share of movies that pay some net profits according to this method range from less than 5
percent to 20 percent. According to the studios, even blockbuster movies such as Batman, Coming to
America, Indecent Proposal, and J.F.K. lost money, at least initially.
1. Suppose the method of keeping two sets of books was disallowed. Would studios prefer to
compensate these individuals using flat fee contracts or share of revenue contracts? What would the
workers prefer? How would level of risk aversion affect the choices made by each?
2. With contracts written as described above, who should the studio attempt to sign to a movie contract
first, the stars or the producer? Why?
1This section is based on Bernard Weinraub, “Profits Elude ‘Gump,’ Studio Says,” San Francisco Chronicle, May 25, 1995:
E1; “Who Ate All the Chocolates?” New York Times, May 28, 1995: 3:1; “Buchwald, Paramount Settle Suit,” San Francisco
Chronicle, September 13, 1995:E4; Reed Abelson, “The Shell Game of Hollywood ‘Net Profits,’” New York Times, March 4,
1996: C1,C4.