92)
What specific techniques were used to bring about the destruction of self–awareness among the prisoners?
93)
What could be done to reform or rebuild the self–awareness of these prisoners? What can be done to help
individuals without self–awareness to improve that skill?
94)
You are a vice–president of operations for a Fortune 500 company and have six area managers reporting to you.
Using Rokeach‘s value classification system, identify and explain the key values your managers are most likely to
perceive as the most important to their success in the workplace.
Communist Prison Camp
To understand the development of increased self–awareness, it is helpful to consider the opposite process: the destruction of
self–awareness. Understanding the growth process is often enhanced by understanding the deterioration process. In the case
below, a process of psychological self–destruction is described as it occurred among prisoners of war during the Korean War.
Consider how these processes that destroy self–awareness can be reversed to create greater self–awareness. The setting is a
prisoner of war camp managed by the Communist Chinese.
In such prisons the total regimen, consisting of physical privation, prolonged interrogation, total isolation from former
36
relationships and sources of information, detailed regimentation of all daily activities, and deliberate humiliation and
degradation, was geared to producing a confession of alleged crimes, the assumption of a penitent role, and the adoption of a
Communist frame of reference. The prisoner was not informed what his crimes were, nor was he permitted to evade the issue
by making up a false confession. Instead, what the prisoner learned he must do was reevaluate his past from the point of
view of the Communists and recognize that most of his former attitudes and behavior were actually criminal from this point
of view. A priest who had dispensed food to needy peasants in his mission church had to “recognize” that he was actually a
tool of imperialism and was using his missionary activities as a cover for exploitation of the peasants. Even worse, he had
used food as blackmail to accomplish his aims.
The key technique used by the Communists to produce social alienation to a degree sufficient to allow such redefinition and
reevaluation to occur was to put the prisoner into a cell with four or more other prisoners who were somewhat more
advanced in their “thought reform” than he. Such a cell usually had one leader who was responsible to the prison authorities,
and the progress of the whole cell was made contingent on the progress of the least “reformed” member. This condition
meant in practice that four or more cell members devoted all their energies to getting their least “reformed” member to
recognize “the truth” about himself and to confess. To accomplish this, they typically swore at, harangued, beat, denounced,
humiliated, reviled, and brutalized their victim 24 hours a day, sometimes for weeks or months on end. If the authorities felt
that the prisoner was basically uncooperative, they manacled his hands behind his back and chained his ankles, which made
him completely dependent on his cellmates for the fulfillment of his basic needs. It was this reduction to an animal–like
existence in front of other humans that constituted the ultimate humiliation and led to the destruction of the prisoner’s image
of himself. Even in his own eyes he became something not worthy of the regard of his fellow man.
If, to avoid complete physical and personal destruction, the prisoner began to confess in the manner desired of him, he was
usually forced to prove his sincerity by making irrevocable behavioral commitments, such as denouncing and implicating his
friends and relatives in his own newly recognized crimes. Once he had done this, he became further alienated from his
former self, even in his own eyes, and could seek security only in a new identity and new social relationships. Aiding this
process of confessing was the fact that the crimes gave the prisoner something concrete to which to attach the free–floating
guilt which the accusing environment and his own humiliation usually stimulated.
A good example was the plight of the sick and wounded prisoners of war who, because of their physical confinement, were
unable to escape from continual conflict with their interrogator or instructor, and who often ended up forming a close
relationship with him. Chinese Communist instructors often encouraged prisoners to take long walks or have informal talks
with them and offered as incentives cigarettes, tea, and other rewards. If the prisoner was willing to cooperate and become a
“progressive,” he could join with other “progressives” in an active group life.
Within the political prison, the group cell not only provided the forces toward alienation but also offered the road to a “new
self.” Not only were there available among the fellow prisoners individuals with whom the prisoner could identify because
of their shared plight, but once he showed any tendency to seek a new identity by trying to reevaluate his past, he received a
whole range of rewards, of which the most important was the interpersonal information that he was again a person worthy
of respect and regard.
Source: Schein, E. H. (1960). Interpersonal communication, group solidarity, and social influence. Sociometry, 23, 148–61.
37
95)
What mechanisms do people use, and what mechanisms could the prisoners of war have used, to resist a
change in their self–concepts?
96)
Share a story (either fictional or based on real life) that depicts all three elements of tolerance for ambiguity.
Clearly label each element in the story.
97)
Tell a story (either fictional or based on real life) that depicts how three people with different cognitive styles
might interact with each other as they work together to solve a problem. Clearly label each cognitive style as
you depict it.
Communist Prison Camp
To understand the development of increased self–awareness, it is helpful to consider the opposite process: the destruction of
self–awareness. Understanding the growth process is often enhanced by understanding the deterioration process. In the case
below, a process of psychological self–destruction is described as it occurred among prisoners of war during the Korean War.
Consider how these processes that destroy self–awareness can be reversed to create greater self–awareness. The setting is a
prisoner of war camp managed by the Communist Chinese.
In such prisons the total regimen, consisting of physical privation, prolonged interrogation, total isolation from former
relationships and sources of information, detailed regimentation of all daily activities, and deliberate humiliation and
degradation, was geared to producing a confession of alleged crimes, the assumption of a penitent role, and the adoption of a
Communist frame of reference. The prisoner was not informed what his crimes were, nor was he permitted to evade the issue
by making up a false confession. Instead, what the prisoner learned he must do was reevaluate his past from the point of
view of the Communists and recognize that most of his former attitudes and behavior were actually criminal from this point
of view. A priest who had dispensed food to needy peasants in his mission church had to “recognize” that he was actually a
tool of imperialism and was using his missionary activities as a cover for exploitation of the peasants. Even worse, he had
used food as blackmail to accomplish his aims.
The key technique used by the Communists to produce social alienation to a degree sufficient to allow such redefinition and
reevaluation to occur was to put the prisoner into a cell with four or more other prisoners who were somewhat more
advanced in their “thought reform” than he. Such a cell usually had one leader who was responsible to the prison authorities,
and the progress of the whole cell was made contingent on the progress of the least “reformed” member. This condition
meant in practice that four or more cell members devoted all their energies to getting their least “reformed” member to
recognize “the truth” about himself and to confess. To accomplish this, they typically swore at, harangued, beat, denounced,
humiliated, reviled, and brutalized their victim 24 hours a day, sometimes for weeks or months on end. If the authorities felt
that the prisoner was basically uncooperative, they manacled his hands behind his back and chained his ankles, which made
him completely dependent on his cellmates for the fulfillment of his basic needs. It was this reduction to an animal–like
existence in front of other humans that constituted the ultimate humiliation and led to the destruction of the prisoner’s image
of himself. Even in his own eyes he became something not worthy of the regard of his fellow man.
If, to avoid complete physical and personal destruction, the prisoner began to confess in the manner desired of him, he was
usually forced to prove his sincerity by making irrevocable behavioral commitments, such as denouncing and implicating his
friends and relatives in his own newly recognized crimes. Once he had done this, he became further alienated from his
former self, even in his own eyes, and could seek security only in a new identity and new social relationships. Aiding this
process of confessing was the fact that the crimes gave the prisoner something concrete to which to attach the free–floating
guilt which the accusing environment and his own humiliation usually stimulated.
A good example was the plight of the sick and wounded prisoners of war who, because of their physical confinement, were
unable to escape from continual conflict with their interrogator or instructor, and who often ended up forming a close
relationship with him. Chinese Communist instructors often encouraged prisoners to take long walks or have informal talks
with them and offered as incentives cigarettes, tea, and other rewards. If the prisoner was willing to cooperate and become a
“progressive,” he could join with other “progressives” in an active group life.
Within the political prison, the group cell not only provided the forces toward alienation but also offered the road to a “new
self.” Not only were there available among the fellow prisoners individuals with whom the prisoner could identify because
of their shared plight, but once he showed any tendency to seek a new identity by trying to reevaluate his past, he received a
whole range of rewards, of which the most important was the interpersonal information that he was again a person worthy
of respect and regard.
Source: Schein, E. H. (1960). Interpersonal communication, group solidarity, and social influence. Sociometry, 23, 148–61.
39
98)
Which of the five core aspects of self–concept were the prison camps structured to change? Provide justification
for your answer.
99)
Describe an actual example from your life of someone’s sensitive line being crossed (it might be yourself). What
were the signals that indicated the crossing of a sensitive line? How was threat rigidity manifest?
100)
Assume that you are charged with the orientation of a cohort of new managers in your organization. How
would you help them understand their own strengths and inclinations and how they could best contribute?
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