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Body Ritual among the Nacirema
HORACE MINER
Summary Miner's classic, satirical article describes the body ritual of a North
American people called the Nacirema. Driven by a cultural value of the fragility and
importance of their bodies, they engage in a series of daily rituals designed to make
their bodies more presentable and long lasting. Underlying body ritual is a cultural
perception that the human body is ugly with a tendency toward debility and disease.
The Nacirema engage in complex rituals to cover up bodily imperfections and slow the
body's deterioration. They have a household shrine with a chest full of magical charms,
and a holy font located below the charm box. Charms come in many forms and are used
for many specific purposes.
There are medicine men to guide the Nacirema in the use of charms, and
"holy-mouth-men" that use various tools to purify and maintain the mouth; this in
addition to the twice-daily mouth rite done at home that involves the use of a special
brush..
More elaborate ceremonies are performed in a local temple, the latipsoalthough that is
often viewed as a place to die. Those entering the latipso are often stripped of their
clothing, handled by vestal virgins, and made to do their bodily functions in a sacred
vessel and in public. Normally, however, excretory functions are ritualized and
relegated to secrecy, as are natural reproductive functions.
There is also another practitioner, called a "listener," who has the power to exorcise the
devils that lodge in the heads of people who have been bewitched. Parents, especially
mothers, are often suspected of putting a curse on their children. For a large gift, a
witch doctor will conduct exorcism sessions, when he or she listens to the other's
troubles and fears from childhood.
Miner concludes that from the evidence above, the Nacirema are a magic-ridden
people.
According to Miner in "Body Ritual among the Nacirema," the Nacirema demonstrate
masochistic tendencies as evidenced by their willingness to have their teeth probed and
excavated by ritual specialists called "holy-mouth-men."
Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana
HOYT S. ALVERSON
Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how
anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written
years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID
workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees
engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear:
development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires
cross-cultural understanding.
Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace
Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce
development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often
resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing
happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local
language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others
failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and
some even experienced nervous breakdowns.
Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the
Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had
already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He
discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for
example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways
of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the
Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they,
the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force
people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the
volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were
there to engage.
The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings
between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American
volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by
events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time.
Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like
smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something
to avoid conflict.
In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in
Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world.
The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and
self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those
with whom they intend to work.
In "Advice for Developers," Alverson concludes that, Peace Corps volunteers tend to
force people like the Tswana to do what they, the volunteers, consider is needed.
Law and Order
JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY
Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute
resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a
Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico.
The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including
substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values.
Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is
illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the
Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his
father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the
community's legal system.
Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of
authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes
can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings,
or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court
in Villa Alta.
Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often
unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally
agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers
(such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they
cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute
was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village
court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing
facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by
individuals.
Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based
on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some
desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules.
Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal
principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement
so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in
turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct
confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to
community members.
According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," the system of legal levels in
the Zapotec village of Ralu"a means that disputes can only be settled by the presidente
or principales.
In "Family and Kinship in Village India," McCurdy argues that arranged marriage
functions to
a. create alliances between Bhil families and patrilineages.
b. bring wealth to the groom's family because of the dowry they receive.
c. prevent the possibility of divorce in Bhil society.
d. insure a happier marriage for Bhil brides and grooms.
When people use well-defined procedures to control and manipulate supernatural forces
in order to gain some end, they are practicing
a. prayer.
b. magic.
c. witchcraft.
d. taboo.
According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," Gypsies treat Social
Security numbers as
a. unimportant, because they do not use Social Security.
b. corporate property of their kin group, the vitsa.
c. a way to defraud banks so that they can get illegal loans.
d. a source of prestige, because they believe higher numbers bring greater success.
The cultural knowledge for making and using tools and extracting and refining raw
materials is called
a. production.
b. division of labor.
c. unit of production.
d. technology.
Three of the following describe ways the Tiv interpreted the story of Hamlet? Which
one does not?
a. The Tiv felt that the ghost of Hamlet's father was really an omen sent by a witch.
b. The Tiv decided that Laertes killed his sister, Ophelia, through witchcraft.
c. The Tiv were pleased by the quick marriage of Hamlet's mother to her dead husband's
brother.
d. The Tiv approved of Hamlet's desire to kill his father's brother.
Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of the Amputees
CAROLYN NORDSTROM
Summary Supporters of the use of land mines argue that they deter soldiers and protect
sensitive areas during combat. Statistics show, however, that those most commonly
injured by land mines are not soldiers, but instead children, women, and men engaged
in nonmilitary activities. These mines leave their victims without limbs, often unable to
walk, work, or eke out an existence in a part of the world where wheelchairs are
nonexistent and life is incredibly hard, even for a healthy individual.
The women of Muleque, Angola, who were injured by these land mines, at first
developed informal economies in order to simply survive. But as Nordstrom points out,
they wanted more than to merely exist. They formed their own informal banking
systems, popular in Southern Africa, and with just a few pennies, managed to raise
money to invest in farmland. Joining an informal bank group, according to Nordstrom,
is the first step on the path that women follow out of poverty and into development.
There are many steps, and the process is difficult. Women start with nothing; hard labor
is the only way to raise the small amount needed to even join an informal bank group.
According to Nordstrom's research, women are "the invisible center of gravity of
society" in Southern Africa. A man's presence is fluid; a woman is always there. She
makes the connections that create family, society, and community networks. Without
the women, according to the author, families and societies collapse. With the women at
the center, families succeed, and health, education, and trade result. The author notes
that is interesting that the women's efforts and their contributions to development go
unnoticed. According to figures from the United Nations, these informal economies
contribute $250 billion annually in imports, and this money goes directly into the
development of the country. Yet these women continue to be depicted by
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as stereotypical victims barely surviving by
selling bananas and charcoal.
In "Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of Amputees," Nordstrom notes that
the women in Muleque continued to clear farmland, plant crops, build shelters, and
create barter systems even after being disfigured or disabled by land mines.
An older married couple, together with their married sons, their daughters-in-law, and
their grandchildren, all living in a single household, is a classic example of
a. a nuclear family.
b. an extended family.
c. a lineage.
d. a ramage.
In "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," Tannen argues that in the workplace
a. men often refrain from asking for directions while women often seek to create the
appearance of equality in a conversation.
b. gender does not affect talking styles.
c. women seek a one up position in conversation whereas men diffuse speech
domination by joking about it.
d. men are more likely than women to ask for directions.
In an epilogue to her article "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," Scheper-Hughes
argues that the primary cause of the decline in infant mortality on the Alto do Cruzeiro
was a result of
a. national health care agents going door to door to identify at-risk infants.
b. the installation of water pipes that carried clean water to virtually every home in the
shantytown.
c. an infant training program offered by a North American mission.
d. the under-the-counter availability of a "morning after" pill.
According to Guneratne and Bjork in "Village Walks," Tharu villagers preferred tourists
who
a. photographed their houses and children.
b. ignored their tour guides.
c. asked them the most questions.
d. arrived in the village by themselves rather than in a tour group.
A person one is related to by marriage is called a(n) relative.
a. affinal
b. exogamous
c. consanguine
d. endogamous
When a religious specialist reads the cracks in the burned scapula (shoulder blade) of a
sheep to predict future events, the act would be called
a. divination.
b. sorcery.
c. magic.
d. witchcraft.
According to Patten in "Malawi Versus the World Bank," when the president of Malawi
reinstituted the subsidized fertilizer program the
a. IMF withdrew its financial assistance from Malawi.
b. World Bank changed its policy concerning government subsidies.
c. U.S. wholeheartedly supported his actions.
d. maize yields grew substantially enough for Malawi to begin exporting again.
Shakespeare in the Bush
LAURA BOHANNAN
Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of
one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how
this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere
can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the
story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that
the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no
category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must
really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing
an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a
month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions,
so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think
Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they
cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to
the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view
events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own
cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than
Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social
world.
Bohannan finds that with minor alterations in terminology, the English and the Tiv can
understand Shakespeare's Hamlet in the same way.
__________ is the only industrialized country that fails to provide paid leave for
new mothers.
a. Sweden
b. United States
c. Papua New Guinea
d. Lesotho
In "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker's study determined that
a. there are adequate translation services in the prisons studied.
b. the number of MTA positions should be increased.
c. overcrowding had no impact on prisoners' access to health care.
d. the MTA position should be eliminated.
In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch argues that participation in the
Run for the Wall
a. is like a rite of passage, moving normal veterans into a select group of war advocates.
b. is a needless glorification of war.
c. is a personally transforming experience, partly designed to heal personal wounds.
d. is not effective as a form of protest.
A lecture, classroom, desks, and time (9:30 a.m."10:20 a.m.) are all parts of the social
situation as that term is defined by the text.
in "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland notes that the lawyer defending a
young Gypsy man of using a relative's Social Security number argued in court that
a. the Gypsy had not intended to commit a crime when he used the number.
b. the Gypsy used the number because of a fear of pollution (marime) from
non-Gypsies.
c. Gypsies did not traditionally use Social Security, so Social Security numbers had no
importance to them.
d. many Gypsies are undocumented due to the broken immigration system.
We Are Going Underwater
SUSAN A. CRATE
Summary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern
Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual
temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has
adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian
imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet
Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local,
physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate
outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha,
and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes.
Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the
advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many
other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global
climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and
lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These
changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple
stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical
adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very
few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to
other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology
and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for
hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land,
learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and
purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that
are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate
as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing
information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local
environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in
ways to address these local changes.
While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world
adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can
help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how
people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying
and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to
local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change
begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet.
The anthropological term "place-based people" refers to a group who depends directly
on its immediate environment for both physical and spiritual sustenance.
In "Law and Order," Spradley and McCurdy argue that the legal statutes that define
right and wrong are
a. legal rules.
b. substantive law.
c. procedural law.
d. legal levels.
According to Gmelch in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," the first thing he did after
his student, Hanna, told him she was being shunned by the Barbadian villagers where
she was doing her research was to
a. find and talk to the Rastafarians she had been seen with.
b. meet with local elders to discover their views on the problem.
c. explain to her homestay mother that Hanna meant no harm.
d. pull Hanna out of the village so she could work in a more receptive community.
Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging
DAVID W. McCURDY
Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David
McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways
for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural
India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests.
Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families
live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended
families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working.
Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values
individualism, independence, and competition.
However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from
families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local
taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as
those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a
safe place to express their social needs.
To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider
Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona,
who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the
purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000
members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an
army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional
directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called
the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety
of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers.
McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and
symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and
opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a
certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected
to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other
accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of
utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after
drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group,
and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the
physical challenges of motorcycle riding.
McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest
provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work.
It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to
express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he
calls a "non-family home."
The Gold Wing Road Riders Association was formed in 1976 by seven couples who
lived in Phoenix, Arizona.
The fact that a tourist sees scenic mountains and valleys when viewing a high pass in
the Rocky Mountains, whereas a geologist sees cirque basins, U-shaped valleys, and
paternoster streams, illustrates the concept of
a. cultural ecology.
b. physical environment.
c. cultural environment.
d. scientific impartiality.
Mixed Blood
JEFFERSON M. FISH
Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural
construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among
humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no
fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a
single species.
Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through
the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental
selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive
to differences in environmental conditions.
If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are
known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People
everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things
may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as
vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them
with lemon and sugar for dessert.
Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by
body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based
primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these
groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of
classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more
about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest,
followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial
classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as
black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you
look like.
This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos
(types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond),
preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad
nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow
nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different
tipos if each child looks different.
The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different
"races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the
American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity.
According to Fish in "Mixed Blood," human beings cannot be classified into races on
the basis of physical characteristics because there is so little variation within the human
species.
English speakers do not use /ng/ (the final sound in going, for example) when they
speak. This behavior would best be classified as a
a. framing rule.
b. sociolinguistic rule.
c. non-linguistic rule.
d. phonological rule.
Which one of the following is an observation that Sterk makes in "Fieldwork on
Prostitution in the Era of AIDS" about "gatekeepers"? They
a. are not a vital part of fieldwork.
b. are important in gaining initial access to a scene.
c. may become more important to a study as time goes on.
d. tend to be individuals who exist on the periphery of a scene.
Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies
ELIZABETH A. EAMES
Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both
from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S.
bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules
of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of
patrimonial authority.
Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part
from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to
her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria,
rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes
from being in a position to grant favors to others.
The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends
on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal
connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At
the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the
social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and
strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial
bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as
getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her
visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated
bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere
near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from
one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of
contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way
that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen
as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to
understand, was personal.
The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and
articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would
eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an
individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and
caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment
when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal
bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.
Dash and Long-Leg are Nigerian terms that refer to types of runners.
As a result of the Spanish Inquisition and Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as
a national religion, most Spaniards
a. believe it is easy to be both Muslim and Spanish.
b. embrace their fellow citizens who are exercising religious freedom by converting.
c. view Catholicism as integral to their national identity.
d. grow up in religiously diverse towns and cities, exposed to many other religions.
Family and Kinship in Village India
DAVID W. McCURDY
Summary In this article, David McCurdy describes the importance of kinship among
rural Bhil tribal peoples living in Ratakote, a hill village located in the southern part of
Rajasthan near Udaipur, India. He argues that an elaborate and extended kinship system
is not only a useful way for peasants to organize their labor, land holdings, and broader
social connections, but that it is also a system that can be adapted to the
market-dominated economic system currently emerging in India.
Americans find it difficult to comprehend the importance of extended kinship, but for
the Bhils, the significance of kinship seems elementary. A wedding arranged by a
villager for his daughter in 1985 illustrates the point nicely. To begin the arrangement,
the father must consult the members of his patrilineage, who must later provide money
and labor for the wedding. He will send out word to his feminal kinthe relatives of the
women who have married into his line and the relatives of the men that women of his
line have marriedin other villages. When prospective grooms are found, the first
consideration is clan membership. Clans are large and consist of local lineages living in
many villages over a wide territory. Bhils cannot marry into their own, their mother's, or
their father's mother's clans; this constitutes incest.
Once a suitable spouse is found, negotiations commence to set a dapa (bride price), the
money and prestige goods given by the groom's family to that of the bride. Bride price
is part of an exchange for the labor and loyalty of the bride. Marriage becomes an
alliance between the two families but involves potential conflict. To clearly state that
rights to her loyalty, labor, and children shift to her husband's family at marriage, the
wedding ceremony symbolizes the bride's removal from her natal group. After
marriage, a relationship built on formal respect keeps the bride's family at a proper
distance.
Extended kinship systems seem well suited to agrarian peasant life where families best
control landholding and economic production. Today, India is industrializing and the
market economy is attracting many rural peasants to cities as well as restructuring
economic relationships in rural villages. The market economy can easily weaken
kinship systems by providing individuals with salaries and independence, causing
people to move to find work, and creating jobs that compete for time with family
obligations. Despite expansion of the market, Indians, including the Bhils described in
this article, have adapted kinship relationships to provide support as they scatter across
their country and around the world.
According to McCurdy in "Family and Kinship in Village India," until recently Bhil
tribals were only permitted to marry people from their own village, thus limiting the
scope of their economic and social worlds.
According to Miner in "Body Ritual among the Nacirema," the latipso is the name for
a. holy-mouth-men.
b. household shrines.
c. medicine men's temple.
d. the charm box found in a household shrine.
Polyandry: When Brothers Take a Wife
MELVYN C. GOLDSTEIN
Summary In this article, Goldstein discusses the functions of a rare custom, fraternal
polyandry. Along with monogamy, it is one of the most common forms of marriage in
Tibetan society. Among the Tibetans of northern Nepal, it is common for a woman to
marry two or more men who are brothers. This arrangement is generally made with the
consent of the woman's parents. The oldest brother typically manages the household,
with all of the brothers dividing the work equally and participating as sexual partners
with the wife. Although brothers in such an arrangement can quarrel with each other
and occasionally argue over sexual rights to the shared spouse, many men and women
prefer the arrangement.
All of the children of the marriage are treated equally by all of the brothers, and no
attempt is made to keep track of biological linkage. All of the children treat all the
brothers equally, in some regions referring to them as "elder" or "younger." Divorce is
possible; an unhappy brother can simply leave the main house and set up his own
household. Any children remain in the main household, even if the departing brother is
the real father.
Two theories have previously been advanced by anthropologists to explain polyandry.
One argues that the custom results from a shortage of women due to female infanticide.
The other is that polyandry correlates with a shortage of arable land. The claim is that
with polyandrous marriage, land can be held in the same male line without subdivision.
Goldstein challenges both explanations. There is not, he argues, a high rate of female
infanticide among Tibetans, and many Tibetan women live out their lives unmarried,
yet bear children. If scarce land were the problem, one would expect poor families with
little land to practice polyandry, but it is wealthy farmers who prefer the custom.
Polyandry does serve to reduce the birth rate, but Tibetans do not recognize this latent
function. Instead, for the wealthier Tibetans who practice it, polyandry is desirable
because it permits them to keep land holdings together and continue to live a more
prosperous life.
By entering into a polyandrous marriage with his brothers, a Tibetan man has access to
family land, animals, and any other inheritances. He shares any work burden with his
brothers, and thus is afforded greater security. He may not have as much personal
freedom as he would in a monogamous marriage, but what he loses in freedom he gains
in the economic security, affluence, and prestige that comes with a larger, asset-holding,
polyandrous family.
According to Goldstein's "Polyandry: When Brothers Take a Wife," Tibetan polyandry
is a response to a shortage of arable land.
Conversation Style: Talking on the Job
DEBORAH TANNEN
Summary In this selection excerpted from her book Talking from 9 to 5, Deborah
Tannen describes misunderstandings in the work place based on the different speaking
styles of men and women. Tannen notes that most people blame miscommunication on
the intentions, different abilities, and character of others, or on their own failure or the
failure of the relationship. Miscommunication in the work place, however, often occurs
between men and women because gender is a basic indicator of identity and because
men and women learn different styles of speaking.
Tannen introduces an example of gender-based misunderstanding in which a female
manager first uses praise then follows with suggestions to improve a male employee's
substandard report. The manager thinks she is diplomatic; the employee mistakes her
comments solely as praise and miscommunication occurs. When the revised report is
submitted, few of the suggested changes appear, and the employee thinks the manager
has been dishonest by first praising and now criticizing the report. The differences,
argues Tanner, have to do with different styles of speaking. Men avoid being put in a
one-down position by using oppositions such as banter, joking, teasing, and playful
put-downs. Women seek the appearance of equality and try to avoid flexing their
muscles to get jobs done. The misunderstandings occur when actors take each other's
speaking styles literally.
The remainder of the selection deals with a particular male speaking style, the
reluctance to ask directions. Women ask directions because it seems to be the fastest
way to get things done. Men hesitate to ask questions, claiming that they develop their
navigation skills by going at things independently. Tannen argues that men avoid asking
questions because it puts them in a one- down position. Each style has its pitfalls. Male
pilots or doctors who fail to ask questions may endanger their own or other people's
lives. Female doctors and managers who ask too many questions may risk signaling that
they are tentative or unsure of themselves.
Tannen concludes by saying that neither style is inherently wrong, just different, and
that speakers should be aware of gender-based speaking styles and flexible in their own
use of them.
According to Tannen in "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," speaking styles are
ritualized forms of verbal interaction that often differ between men and women.
The Hunters: Scarce Resources in the Kalahari
RICHARD BORSHAY LEE
With an update by Richard Lee and Megan Biesele
Summary Basing his conclusions on an extensive study of !Kung subsistence activity
and nutrition in 1963, Richard Lee challenges the notion that hunters and gatherers
lived a hand-to-mouth existence. Despite residence in the Kalahari Desert, where there
is an average yearly rainfall of only six to nine inches, !Kung managed to lead a
remarkably stable, relaxed existence. They resided in camps located at permanent water
holes. They frequently visited relatives in other camps but rarely moved long distances
to hunt and gather.
Overall, hunter gathering provided over 85% of subsistence needs. A key to assured
subsistence was the availability of vegetable foods, particularly the mongongo nut. !
Kung could subsist entirely on such foods although they preferred meat. Vegetable
foods made up 60 to 80 percent of their diet. The abundance of their sparse environment
was revealed by the fact that !Kung ate selectively, consuming only some of the edible
plant and animal species found around them. A significant number of !Kung lived
beyond the age of 60, and approximately 40 percent of the population did no productive
work. !Kung spent only about two and one-half days a week in productive activity,
using the remainder of their time for leisure activities. Lee concluded that for many
hunting and gathering groups, a dependence on plant foods produced a stable, effective
way of life.
The way of life described for 1963 has changed, however. By 1994, most Ju/"Hoansi !
Kung were living in permanent settlements, eking out a living by herding, farming, and
craft production. Hunting and gathering now only supply about 30 percent of their
subsistence needs. The spread of commercial ranching on the areas in which they
traditionally foraged may soon reduce this figure to zero.
Because their environment was so difficult, the !Kung relied heavily on the labor of
children and old people to provide edible plants for general consumption in 1963.
Eating Christmas in the Kalahari
RICHARD BORSHAY LEE
Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural
misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung
Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee
decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast.
To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming
that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox
proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days.
Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters
who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox
meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and
appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters
contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become
impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality).
Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural
misunderstanding resulted.
As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s;
few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by
Lee and Biesele.
Lee's gift of a Christmas ox was ridiculed by the !Kung because he misunderstood their
criteria for a desirable animal.
Eating Christmas in the Kalahari
RICHARD BORSHAY LEE
Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural
misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung
Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee
decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast.
To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming
that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox
proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days.
Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters
who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox
meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and
appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters
contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become
impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality).
Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural
misunderstanding resulted.
As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s;
few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by
Lee and Biesele.
The !Kung regularly understate their own hunting achievements to avoid looking
arrogant.
Conversation Style: Talking on the Job
DEBORAH TANNEN
Summary In this selection excerpted from her book Talking from 9 to 5, Deborah
Tannen describes misunderstandings in the work place based on the different speaking
styles of men and women. Tannen notes that most people blame miscommunication on
the intentions, different abilities, and character of others, or on their own failure or the
failure of the relationship. Miscommunication in the work place, however, often occurs
between men and women because gender is a basic indicator of identity and because
men and women learn different styles of speaking.
Tannen introduces an example of gender-based misunderstanding in which a female
manager first uses praise then follows with suggestions to improve a male employee's
substandard report. The manager thinks she is diplomatic; the employee mistakes her
comments solely as praise and miscommunication occurs. When the revised report is
submitted, few of the suggested changes appear, and the employee thinks the manager
has been dishonest by first praising and now criticizing the report. The differences,
argues Tanner, have to do with different styles of speaking. Men avoid being put in a
one-down position by using oppositions such as banter, joking, teasing, and playful
put-downs. Women seek the appearance of equality and try to avoid flexing their
muscles to get jobs done. The misunderstandings occur when actors take each other's
speaking styles literally.
The remainder of the selection deals with a particular male speaking style, the
reluctance to ask directions. Women ask directions because it seems to be the fastest
way to get things done. Men hesitate to ask questions, claiming that they develop their
navigation skills by going at things independently. Tannen argues that men avoid asking
questions because it puts them in a one- down position. Each style has its pitfalls. Male
pilots or doctors who fail to ask questions may endanger their own or other people's
lives. Female doctors and managers who ask too many questions may risk signaling that
they are tentative or unsure of themselves.
Tannen concludes by saying that neither style is inherently wrong, just different, and
that speakers should be aware of gender-based speaking styles and flexible in their own
use of them.
In "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," Tannen argues that in the workplace, men
often refrain from asking for directions because it puts them in a one-down position.
Becoming Muslim in Europe
MIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTAR
Increased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one
another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela
Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased
intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries
such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very
difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies
and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim
and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced
by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's
"Spanishness."
Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the
faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks
like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several
hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of
Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate
"being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a
threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.
In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some
Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be
Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution
from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a
Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the
judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.
The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how
entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though
Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim,
her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural
identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the
majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views
by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while
reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but
instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two
religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God
willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.
In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Rogozen-Soltar states that in order to convert to
the Muslim faith, would-be converts must enroll in religion classes and receive official
acceptance from religious authorities.
Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California
RACHAEL STRYKER
Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to
affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her
undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California
state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from
the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced
recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities.
Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic
research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact
of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care
provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered
that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a
ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically
trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was
complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified
health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates
spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors
treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other
factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells,
and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the
general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those
with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often
responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms.
The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to
simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the
copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more
qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve
nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased
translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce
overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement.
As indicated in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker knew of female inmates in
two California prisons who sometimes faked ailments to receive medical treatment
faster.
Eating Christmas in the Kalahari
RICHARD BORSHAY LEE
Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural
misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung
Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee
decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast.
To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming
that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox
proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days.
Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters
who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox
meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and
appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters
contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become
impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality).
Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural
misunderstanding resulted.
As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s;
few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by
Lee and Biesele.
!Kung regularly express admiration for one another's hunting achievements.
Manipulating Meaning: The Military Name Game
SARAH BOXER
Summary Today, several linguists (See work by George Lakoff, for example) have
looked at the way metaphor is used to frame a particular view of an event or policy.
This selection by Sarah Boxer provides an excellent example of the framing process.
Using information drawn from an article entitled "The Art of Naming Operations" by
Lt. Col. Gregory C. Sieminski, she shows how the names for military operations have
shifted in purpose from an inside code to a public symbol meant to shape public
perception. She concludes that the process is more difficult than one might think.
The naming of operations began during World War II by the Germans who initiated the
process as an inside secret code. The British did the same but with rules laid down by
Winston Churchill, who felt operations' names should not be boastful, despondent, or
frivolous.
After World War II, the U.S. Pentagon started to name military operations for public
consumption, which inevitably led to controversies about what names should convey.
During the Korean conflict, for example, General MacArthur used aggressive names
such as "thunderbolt" and "ripper" for operations. The Vietnam War saw Lyndon
Johnson veto aggressive names; for him, the suggested operations name "masher"
sounded too aggressive and he replaced it with "white wing." Following Vietnam, the
Pentagon bureaucracy codified the process. Each area command was given two-letter
sequences that would start two-word operations names. Further, the Pentagon
developed a computer program entitled "Code Word, Nickname, and Exercise Term
System" (called "NICKA" for short).
More recent operations naming involves a verb-noun sequence such as "promote
liberty" and "restore hope." Because almost any choice of words seems to offend
someone, Boxer concludes that the new game is to find words without meaning.
Readers should note that today the first word of the two-word phrase does not need to
be a verb. "Iraqi Freedom," is a case in point.
According to Boxer's article "The Military Name Game," names for military operations
have little effect on the way the public perceives such actions.
Reciprocity and the Power of Giving
LEE CRONK
Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to
establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight
others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as
they do for other peoples.
Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand
experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an
ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in
Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she
attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same
reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift
exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different
meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists..
Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is
reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship,"
Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro
among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition,
the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving
shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever
described by anthropologists.
Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to
"flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a
substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting.
Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of
benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of
Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really
gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of
other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as
a form of gift exchange.
Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World
Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level
political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International
relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet
governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example.
Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to
unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson.
In "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," Cronk reports that no matter how little he
gave his Mukogodo informants while he was doing fieldwork, they always seemed
grateful, which led to a warmer, more trusting relationship demonstrating the positive
power of giving.
The Hunters: Scarce Resources in the Kalahari
RICHARD BORSHAY LEE
With an update by Richard Lee and Megan Biesele
Summary Basing his conclusions on an extensive study of !Kung subsistence activity
and nutrition in 1963, Richard Lee challenges the notion that hunters and gatherers
lived a hand-to-mouth existence. Despite residence in the Kalahari Desert, where there
is an average yearly rainfall of only six to nine inches, !Kung managed to lead a
remarkably stable, relaxed existence. They resided in camps located at permanent water
holes. They frequently visited relatives in other camps but rarely moved long distances
to hunt and gather.
Overall, hunter gathering provided over 85% of subsistence needs. A key to assured
subsistence was the availability of vegetable foods, particularly the mongongo nut. !
Kung could subsist entirely on such foods although they preferred meat. Vegetable
foods made up 60 to 80 percent of their diet. The abundance of their sparse environment
was revealed by the fact that !Kung ate selectively, consuming only some of the edible
plant and animal species found around them. A significant number of !Kung lived
beyond the age of 60, and approximately 40 percent of the population did no productive
work. !Kung spent only about two and one-half days a week in productive activity,
using the remainder of their time for leisure activities. Lee concluded that for many
hunting and gathering groups, a dependence on plant foods produced a stable, effective
way of life.
The way of life described for 1963 has changed, however. By 1994, most Ju/"Hoansi !
Kung were living in permanent settlements, eking out a living by herding, farming, and
craft production. Hunting and gathering now only supply about 30 percent of their
subsistence needs. The spread of commercial ranching on the areas in which they
traditionally foraged may soon reduce this figure to zero.
Despite residence in a sparse desert environment, the !Kung did not eat a majority of
the edible plants and animals found in their territory when observed in 1963.
Applied anthropology focuses on the use of anthropological knowledge to inform,
enlighten, or increase the understanding of some individual or group.
Manipulating Meaning: The Military Name Game
SARAH BOXER
Summary Today, several linguists (See work by George Lakoff, for example) have
looked at the way metaphor is used to frame a particular view of an event or policy.
This selection by Sarah Boxer provides an excellent example of the framing process.
Using information drawn from an article entitled "The Art of Naming Operations" by
Lt. Col. Gregory C. Sieminski, she shows how the names for military operations have
shifted in purpose from an inside code to a public symbol meant to shape public
perception. She concludes that the process is more difficult than one might think.
The naming of operations began during World War II by the Germans who initiated the
process as an inside secret code. The British did the same but with rules laid down by
Winston Churchill, who felt operations' names should not be boastful, despondent, or
frivolous.
After World War II, the U.S. Pentagon started to name military operations for public
consumption, which inevitably led to controversies about what names should convey.
During the Korean conflict, for example, General MacArthur used aggressive names
such as "thunderbolt" and "ripper" for operations. The Vietnam War saw Lyndon
Johnson veto aggressive names; for him, the suggested operations name "masher"
sounded too aggressive and he replaced it with "white wing." Following Vietnam, the
Pentagon bureaucracy codified the process. Each area command was given two-letter
sequences that would start two-word operations names. Further, the Pentagon
developed a computer program entitled "Code Word, Nickname, and Exercise Term
System" (called "NICKA" for short).
More recent operations naming involves a verb-noun sequence such as "promote
liberty" and "restore hope." Because almost any choice of words seems to offend
someone, Boxer concludes that the new game is to find words without meaning.
Readers should note that today the first word of the two-word phrase does not need to
be a verb. "Iraqi Freedom," is a case in point.
According to Boxer in "The Military Name Game," despite every effort to make them
benign, most recent attempts at naming military operations manage to offend someone.
A leader is a person who obtains power through authority.
Ethnography and Culture
JAMES P. SPRADLEY
Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley
defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of
culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the
native or insider's point of view.
Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural
artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make
or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that
people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural
interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings.
Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside
awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture
concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of
culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a
theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests
on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the
meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things
is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows."
The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive
process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes
by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation.
Spradley argues that culture is more like a map, guiding human action, rather than a
strict set of rules requiring specific behavior.
Becoming Muslim in Europe
MIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTAR
Increased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one
another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela
Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased
intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries
such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very
difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies
and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim
and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced
by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's
"Spanishness."
Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the
faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks
like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several
hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of
Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate
"being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a
threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.
In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some
Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be
Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution
from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a
Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the
judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.
The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how
entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though
Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim,
her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural
identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the
majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views
by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while
reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but
instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two
religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God
willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.
In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," author Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar states that
Spain does not have one predominant religion; its citizens represent a wide variety
of religious beliefs, including significant percentages of Jews, Catholics,
Protestants, and Muslims.
Global Women in the New Economy
BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD
Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an
important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World
societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies,
Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri
Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a
documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has
been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at
home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs
of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of
poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family
life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation.
The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few
years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international
workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of
women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a
different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones
for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns
stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a
second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to
North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign
workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America
maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now
largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by
their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for
foreign service and to find jobs abroad.
There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are
plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have
gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even
greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to
help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not
stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire
workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women
from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at
home by taking jobs abroad.
Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some
leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had
found no reasonably paid opportunities.
In "Global Women in the New Economy," Ehrenreich and Hochschild note that there
are four major flows of migrant women: one from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far
East, a second from East Europe to Western Europe, a third from South and South and
Central America to North America, and a fourth from Africa to Europe.
