Managerial Accounting Tools for Business Decision Making 7th Edition Weygandt
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Managerial Accounting Tools for Business Decision Making 7th Edition Weygandt
Test Bank
Download: http://testbanklive.com/download/managerial-accounting-tools-for-
business-decision-making-7th-edition-weygandt-test-bank/
In 2012, Barack Obama made an uncharacteristic gaffe that set off a small diplomatic
crisis – he referred to the “Polish” – and not “Nazi” – death camps of the Second
World War.
For Poles, it was an acutely painful faux-pas. The nation has for years objected to the
term “Polish death camps”, saying it implies complicity in the Nazi camps built on its
soil during occupation.
President Obama swiftly apologised, and a personal letter to Poland’s then president
Bronislaw Komorowski was enough in that case to paper over the diplomatic crack.
But under a bill passed by Poland’s lower house of parliament this week, someone
using similar language in future might be prosecuted. Put forward by the ruling right-
wing Law and Justice Party, the bill would make it a crime to accuse Poles of being
complicit in the Holocaust, punishable by up to three years in prison.
President Andrzej Duda has indicated he will likely sign it into law. “There was no
participation by Poland or the Polish people as a nation in the Holocaust,” he said on
Monday.
There is widespread agreement among historians that some Polish citizens did
participate in the Holocaust, by betraying, even murdering Polish Jews. But there is
disagreement over whether those acts add up to wider Polish complicity — a nuanced
historical debate that the Polish government now seeks to legislate.
“This is history as a tool, as a means for a nationalistic government to accuse
everyone else of betraying the nation while painting itself as the only true carriers of
the Polish flag,” said Anita Prazmowska, a professor of Polish history at the London
School of Economics (LSE). “It is a blunt instrument.”
It is also a product of the current political moment in Poland, where 60,000
nationalists took to the streets in November to denounce Islam and immigration, and
where historians see a once progressive post-Soviet state taking a dark turn towards
right-wing populism.
Presentational white space
Media captionNationalists march in Warsaw
Presentational white space
For years after the war, under communism, talk of complicity was effectively
silenced in Poland, from the left and the right. The Communist Party had no interest
in being seen as the defenders of Jews; right-wing nationalists had no desire to wash
Poland’s dirty laundry in public.
But the stories were there, carried by witnesses, rescuers, and survivors — a complex
history of heroic actions, terrible betrayals and even massacres.
When the Nazis seized the Polish border town of Piotrkow in 1939, nine-year-old
Ben Helfgott was forced into a ghetto alongside his family. When the SS first
attempted to transport him to a camp in 1942, he was saved by a Polish manager at
the glass factory where he worked, who told the SS that he was not a Jew.
“It was not easy for Poles to help at that time, they risked their own lives,” said Mr
Helfgott, now 88, from his home in England.
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He was eventually transported to Buchenwald in 1944, aged 14, and ended up in the
Theresienstadt camp where he was liberated in 1945. The horror wasn’t over though
— when he returned to Piotrkow he was racially abused and nearly murdered by
Polish army officers.
“I was saved by a Pole and I was nearly killed by a Pole. That is my history, it cannot
be changed,” he said. “They can pass a law but it cannot work. Many people, Jews
and Poles, have written about this history. It is there in books. You cannot change it.”
It was a book that finally forced Poland, in 2000, to reckon with the darker chapters
of its past. Neighbours, by historian Jan Gross, told the story of a 1941 pogrom in the
village of Jedwabne, where at least 340 Jews were locked in a barn and burned alive
by their Polish neighbours. The account was based on interviews with witnesses,
murderers, and survivors, and it shocked the country out of a long period of denial.
“Jan Gross threw a hand grenade into the debate,” said Ms Prazmowska.
Presentational white space
Historian Jan GrossImage copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image caption
Historian Jan Gross pieced together eyewitness accounts to detail the murder of Jews
in Jedwabne
Presentational white space
Other historians followed. In 2013, Professor Jan Grabowski concluded that at least
200,000 Jews who escaped the liquidation of the Polish ghettoes were killed, directly
or indirectly, by Polish citizens. His book, Hunt for the Jews, detailed a complex
history of inducements and threats by Nazis and moral compromises by Poles.
“For years these topics had been off the table. There was a consensus of silence that
was broken by Jan Gross,” said Mr Grabowski.
The years after Mr Gross’s book were characterised by a sense of moral and cultural
renewal for Polish historians, said Dr Joanna Michlic of the Centre for Collective
Violence, Holocaust and Genocide studies at UCL – a sense that national honour
could be found in a truthful interrogation of history.
That flame of renewal is guttering under Poland’s new nationalist government, she
said. The Law and Justice Party, elected in 2015, has made it clear that it sees
statements of Polish complicity as a stain on the country, and now potentially a
criminal offence.
“The saddest thing is that these kind of policies are against the rescuers and the
Holocaust survivors,” Dr Michlic said. “Those people who witnessed terrible events
in their own communities, what will happen to them, will they be taken to court over
their own stories?”
Zigi Shipper was sent to Auschwitz aged 14, from the Lodz ghetto in Poland. “Many
Poles risked everything to save Jewish lives, but there was also the opposite, there
were people who gave their neighbours away,” said Mr Shipper, now 88. “There were
good ones and bad ones, and people should be free to tell those stories.”
Presentational white space
Media captionWitness: Memories of the Warsaw Ghetto
Presentational white space
The bill was condemned by Holocaust charities as well as the US, EU and by Israel,
which offered to foot the legal bill of anyone charged. The Polish prime minister,
Mateusz Morawiecki defended its intentions, saying that Poland would “never limit
the freedom to debate the Holocaust”. The Law and Justice Party, president’s office,
and the Ministry of Justice did not respond to requests for comment.
The bill does contain a clause that would, in theory, exempt “artistic or academic
activity” from prosecution. But historians who spoke to the BBC were sceptical about
the protections it would offer.
“The question is, who decides?” said Dr Michlic. “Who decides what is art and what
is historical study? … And what about the teachers and the journalists and the
witnesses? On paper they are not exempt.”
According to an Associated Press report, the passage of the bill through parliament
was followed by a surge of anti-Semitism online and in Polish state media.
Some of that anti-Semitism ends up in Mr Grabowski’s mailbox. In the past it was
sent anonymously, he said. Now it is signed, and it includes threats against his
family.
With that shift, “you do not even need a law on the books”, he said. “Imagine you are
a PhD student, do you really want to cross an unwritten line, when your career
depends on funding from the state?”
Even a simple interview between an academic and a journalist might violate the new
law, he said.
“This is not an academic pursuit, there is no exemption here. I could go to jail for this
interview I give you and you could go to jail as a journalist. You see? You are
complicit too.”In 2012, Barack Obama made an uncharacteristic gaffe that set off a
small diplomatic crisis – he referred to the “Polish” – and not “Nazi” – death camps of
the Second World War.
For Poles, it was an acutely painful faux-pas. The nation has for years objected to the
term “Polish death camps”, saying it implies complicity in the Nazi camps built on its
soil during occupation.
President Obama swiftly apologised, and a personal letter to Poland’s then president
Bronislaw Komorowski was enough in that case to paper over the diplomatic crack.
But under a bill passed by Poland’s lower house of parliament this week, someone
using similar language in future might be prosecuted. Put forward by the ruling right–
wing Law and Justice Party, the bill would make it a crime to accuse Poles of being
complicit in the Holocaust, punishable by up to three years in prison.
President Andrzej Duda has indicated he will likely sign it into law. “There was no
participation by Poland or the Polish people as a nation in the Holocaust,” he said on
Monday.
There is widespread agreement among historians that some Polish citizens did
participate in the Holocaust, by betraying, even murdering Polish Jews. But there is
disagreement over whether those acts add up to wider Polish complicity — a nuanced
historical debate that the Polish government now seeks to legislate.
“This is history as a tool, as a means for a nationalistic government to accuse
everyone else of betraying the nation while painting itself as the only true carriers of
the Polish flag,” said Anita Prazmowska, a professor of Polish history at the London
School of Economics (LSE). “It is a blunt instrument.”
It is also a product of the current political moment in Poland, where 60,000
nationalists took to the streets in November to denounce Islam and immigration, and
where historians see a once progressive post-Soviet state taking a dark turn towards
right-wing populism.
Presentational white space
Media captionNationalists march in Warsaw
Presentational white space
For years after the war, under communism, talk of complicity was effectively
silenced in Poland, from the left and the right. The Communist Party had no interest
in being seen as the defenders of Jews; right-wing nationalists had no desire to wash
Poland’s dirty laundry in public.
But the stories were there, carried by witnesses, rescuers, and survivors — a complex
history of heroic actions, terrible betrayals and even massacres.
When the Nazis seized the Polish border town of Piotrkow in 1939, nine–year-old
Ben Helfgott was forced into a ghetto alongside his family. When the SS first
attempted to transport him to a camp in 1942, he was saved by a Polish manager at
the glass factory where he worked, who told the SS that he was not a Jew.
“It was not easy for Poles to help at that time, they risked their own lives,” said Mr
Helfgott, now 88, from his home in England.
The Tattooist of Auschwitz – and his secret love
Convicted Auschwitz guard pleads for mercy
Auschwitz inmate’s notes from hell finally revealed
He was eventually transported to Buchenwald in 1944, aged 14, and ended up in the
Theresienstadt camp where he was liberated in 1945. The horror wasn’t over though
— when he returned to Piotrkow he was racially abused and nearly murdered by
Polish army officers.
“I was saved by a Pole and I was nearly killed by a Pole. That is my history, it cannot
be changed,” he said. “They can pass a law but it cannot work. Many people, Jews
and Poles, have written about this history. It is there in books. You cannot change it.”
It was a book that finally forced Poland, in 2000, to reckon with the darker chapters
of its past. Neighbours, by historian Jan Gross, told the story of a 1941 pogrom in the
village of Jedwabne, where at least 340 Jews were locked in a barn and burned alive
by their Polish neighbours. The account was based on interviews with witnesses,
murderers, and survivors, and it shocked the country out of a long period of denial.
“Jan Gross threw a hand grenade into the debate,” said Ms Prazmowska.
