A. R. Sociol. 1979. 5:53-74
Coright © 1979 Al Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
BLACK IDENTITY
AND SELF-ESTEEM:
A Review of Sdies
of Black Self-Concept, 1968-1978
Judith R. Porter and Robert E. Washington
10570
Depament of Sociology, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania 19010
INTRODUCTION
Self-concept is in large part a social ffoduct, determined by the attitudes and
behavior of others toward the individual. Since many American ethnic
groups have been the victims of prejudice, it has been assumed that low
self-esteem may result from minoty status. The research adition on black
self-image has continuity with literature on the personality pattes of other
ethnic groups. Within the past decade, however, many of the standard
theoretical assumptions in this body of research have been questioned. We
review the past decade’s major social and psychological studies of black
self-esteem, and conclude by evaluating the sources of problems in this liter
ature.
Social science literature of the 1920s-1940s, which dealt with the effects
of marginal status on feelings of personal insecurity (Stonequist 1937; Lewin
1948), linked minoty status and low self-esteem. Notions of personal dis
organization and in-group rejection were developed in discussions of Euro
pean immiant populations and were also applied to analysis of personality
pattes of blacks (Dollard 1937; C. Johnson 1967).
By the late 1940s, public policy had creed increasing demand for
social research on racial inteation. Study of black self-image was given
impetus by the social science brief appended to the Brown v. Board of Edu
cation decision in 1954, which emphasized that racial seegation had the
potential to damage the self-esteem of black childn. Research ethnic
identity thus began to shift from European immiants to blacks, utilizing
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54
RTER & WASHINGTON
both quantitative and psychoanalytic techniques rather than participant ob
servation.
One major focus of the 1950s and ely 1960s can be chacterized as the
“mark of oppression” approach. Blacks were assumed to intealize nega
tive racial images of themselves with a devastating effect on comprehensive
self-esteem. The best-known elaboration of this thesis is the psychoanalytic
study by Kardiner & Ovesey, The Mark of Oppression (1962). They proff
posed that racial discrimination led to idealization of whites and to an inoff
jected white ideal, which in tu resulted in inner-directed rage and selfff
haed among blacks. This orientation is still present in recent work (ier &
Cobbs 1968; Pouissant 1970).
Social-psychological role theorists reached similar conclusions. The
necessity of enacting the role of accommodating, surdinate Negro could
not easily be sepated from the core self, and lowered self-esteem was the
concomitant of this process (Pettiew 1964). Role theorists cautioned that
l blacks did not respond in the same manner. Response to the “Negro
mle ” was ‘ctingent UpON socioeconomic factors and personality pattes
(Pettiew 1’964; Clark 1965). Several tologies’of response to the minority
stiuation were suggested (Allpo 1958; R. Johnson 1958; Pettigrew 1964).
Yet in both the social-psychological and psychoanalytic perspectives, the
assumption was made that most blacks suered om poor self-image.
By the mid-1960s, as black militancy increased, a new theoretical end
emerged. The possibilities of nondefensive orientations to racial status and
of positive cing sategies were explored (Erikson 1964; Coles 1967). Reff
cent research has continued this end.
For purposes of analysis, we divide self-esteem into two components: raff
cial and personal. Racial self-esteem refers to how the individual feels about
the self as black, i.e. about his group identity. By personal self-esteem we
mean esteem for one’s individuality regardless of racial group-how one
feels about the self in a comprehensive sense. Research has indicated that
the two are distinct, although often inteelated, concepts (Porter 1971). We
deal with each dimension sepately and then discuss their connection.
RACIAL SELF-ESTEEM
There fewer direct measures of racial than of personal self-esteem. Di
rect measures of racial self-esteem, which ask the respondent to indicate
racial identification and preference, have been employed with children, but
for older age groups, racial self-concept tends to be inferred from attitudinal
measures of racial militancy. Although there is little consensus on the meanff
ing of militancy, all definitions imply a rejection of a passive Neo role and
of the racial status quo. A positive relationship between militant attitudes
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BLACK IDENTITY AND SELF-ESTEEM 55
and favorable in-group image has in fact been reported by several investi
gators, and the connection does not appear to vary with type of militancy
(Marx 1967; Caplan 1970; Paige 1970; Tomlinson 1970). Yet the inference
that militant response necessarily implies positive racial self-esteem may not
be valid. Militancy measures group stereotypes and evaluations, which shift
with time, and some individuals may be reporting awareness of these chang
ing culture pattes rather than feelings about the self as black (Pettigrew
1967; Williams 1977).
Changes in Racial Se-Esteem
Studies done prior to the mid-1960s were virtually unanimous in finding a
high degree of identification with and preference for white among pre-school
black children. Children of both races tended to identify with and prefer
white at the pre-school level, and low racial self-esteem was inferred from
these data (see Porter 1971 for a review of this literature). Several recent
investigations of pre-schoolers report a change in this end. Utilizing doll
play and line-drawing techniques, some investigators have repoed that the
majofity of pre-school black children now express own-race preference and
identification (Hraba & Grant 1970; Fox & Jordon 1973; Katz & Zalk 1974;
Simon 1974; Roberts, Moseley & Chamberlain 1975).
Despite these ndings, many studies underten during the past decade
still report little change from previous research. A high degree of white
racial identification and white preference among black pre-schoolers has
been reported by Greenwald & Oppenheim (1968), Asher & Allen (1969),
Gitter & Satow (1969), Crooks (1970), Porter (1971), Rice, Ruiz & Padilla
(1974), and Williams & Morland (1976). Most of these studies used a white
conol group; blacks were significantly lower in own-race preference th
their white counterparts.
Reonses among pre-school black children vary by age, sex, and social
class (Asher & Allen 1969; Porter 1971), yet many of these studies focus on
blacwhite differences rather than on variations within the black subgroup.
Compison of black and white differences requires adequate conols. But
conols for region, SES, sex, interracial contact, shade of skin color of
subjects, and race of interviewer are lacking in much research on the self
esteem of children. This problem of inadequate conols is particularly seri
ous in assessment of the evolution of racial self-esteem, since compson of
current with earlier ndings necessitates holding relevant variables constant.
There is also a question of the validity of experimental techniques in these
studies. Most of this research relies on forced choice between dolls or be
tween pictures. But responses may affected by the inclusion of factors
like differences in physiognomy (Gitter & Satow 1969), a broader color
specm (Greenwald & Oppenheim 1968), the dirty-clean dimension
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56 RTER & WASHINGTON
(Epstein, Krupat & Obudho 1976), and methods other than forced choice
(Porter 1971).
The subcomponent investigated also appes to affect findings. Greater
own-race self-identication than own-race preference has been reported for
black children (Greenwald & Oppenheim 1968; Rice, Ruiz & Padilla 1974).
The findings among pre-schoolers are less consistent than those among
older groups. Williams & Morland (1976) suggest that children tend natu
rally to prefer white over black because darkness is associated wi night.
Subcultural experiences might weaken but would not overcome this ten
dency. Only at later stages in cognitive development could children respond
fully to changes in black subculture.
Williams & Morland’s argument may account for recent findings of pref
erence for white at the pre-schl level. Studies with ceful conols and
investigation of within-group viations e needed to discover the influences
capable of osetting these early color associations. Pre-school programs that
attempt to change the negative racial self-evaluation of black children have
met with some success, indicating that white preference can be changed
even at an early age (Crooks 1970; Golin 1971; Spencer & Horowitz 1973;
Bunton & Weissbach 1974; Washington 1976). Moand claims that color
reinforcement techniques that promote positive associations with the color
black more effective than black cultural identity programs in aecting
self-esteem at this age level (Williams & Morland 1976). It should be noted
that many of the studies showing positive self-esteem utilized samples of
slightly older children than those demonsating low self-esteem.
During the past decade, findings conceing racial self-image have been
more consistent among elementary school children than among pre
schoolers. Positive attitudes toward the color black have been demonsated
for this age group (Ogletree 1969; Letter & Buehrig 1975; Vershure 1976).
Morland & Williams (1976) find that positive attitudes towd the color
black do not appear until junior high school, but they report high own-race
identification and preference at the elementary school level. A number of
studies have replicated these findings of positive own-race preference among
black elementary-school youngsters (Koslin et 1969; Hraba 1972; Wd &
Braun 1972; Datcher, Savage & Checkosky 1973; Epstein, Krupat &
Obudho 1976; Teplin 1976).
These findings are often interpreted as indications of recent changes in
black self-esteem due to the black consciousness movement. However, high
black identification and preference were also reported among elementary
school children by earlier studies (Poer 1971). Since a number of investi
gators have demonsated that positive group-identity increases with age
among black children (Asher & Allen 1969; Fox & Jordan 1973; Roberts.
Moseley & Chamberlain 1975; Williams & Moand 1976), conclusions
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BLACK IDENTITY AND SELF-ESTEEM 57
about the effect of the black consciousness movement on raci self-esteem
cannot be drawn from a comparison of recent ndings on elementary school
samples with earlier findings on preschoolers.
Nevertheless, changes in ethnic consciousness may conibute, along with
cognitive developmental factors, to changes of attitude among elementary
school children. Studies of children of racial groups with less fully devel
oped ethnic consciousness movements indicate a lower degree of own-race
preference among them than among black children (Miller 1971; Milner
1973; Teplin 1976).
The literature on black adolescents and adults most clearly demonsates
the eect of the black consciousness movement on racial self-esteem, show
ing greater positive association with the color black in recent an in earlier
times (Dennis 1968; Loomis 1974; Williams & Morld 1976). More posi
tive recent evaluation of black skin and facial features has also been found
(Dansby 1972; Goering 1972; Willis & Morland 1976). Blacks may,
however, still prefer medium-dark skin to dark skin (Goering 1972). A shift
in commitment to black cultural identity starting in the late 1960s has also
been reported (Campbell & Schuman 1968; Banks & Grambs 1972; Krate,
Leventhal & Silverstein 1974; Schuman & Hatchett 1974; Gurin & Epps
1975; Chang & Ritter 1976).
Studies of adolescents and adults indicate a clear shift to more positive
racial self-esteem. It must be recognized, however, that most of these
studies measured assent to general aitudinal statements conceing mili
tancy and black cultural values rather than the individual’s feelings about the
self.
Theoretical Approaches to Racial Se-Esteem
RELATIVE DEPRIVATION THEORY According to this theory, rapid socioeco
nomic change has led to rising expectations and a shift in reference groups.
Blacks have begun to compare themselves with whites; as a result, they feel
relatively deprived of prestige, power, and material goods. This sense of
relative deprivation has led to dissatisfaction and racial militancy (Pettigrew
1964, 1967, 1971). Several researchers have distinguished between personal
and frateal deprivation. Rather than centering upon the individual, com
parison may focus on the group’s condition relative to other groups. If a
person feels personally gratified but frateally deprived, he may still be
predisposed to militancy. In fact, frateal deprivation may especially
likely to lead to militancy: The individual’s perception that others share his
fate may cause him to blame the system rather than himself (Marx 1967;
Gurin et al 1969; Abeles 1976). Both Abeles (1976) and m (1972) find
that a sense of frateal deprivation is more important than a feeling of
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58 PORTER & WASHINGTON
individual deprivation as a predictor of militant attitudes and behavior. Most
advocates of this perspective assume a connection between relative depriva
tion, militant attitudes or behavior, and high racial self-esteem, since mili
tancy replaces the “old” role of subservience with a “new” role of activism
and positive group image (Pettigrew 1964, 1967, 1971).
Relative deprivation should initially be felt most keenly by those who are
most aware of discrimination and have the highest expectations. Thus the
young, the middle-class, the urban, and males should have the most militant
attitudes and, by implication, the highest racial self-esteem. A number of
investigators have found both more militant attitudes (Matthews & fiothro
1966; Marx 1967) and a high degree of ethnic pride and identification (Marx
1967; Dizard 1970; Kronus 1971; Sampson & Milam 1975) ong groups at
middle levels of income and education. Fulfillments of the predictions of
relative deprivation theory have also been found among the young, urban,
and male (Matthews & Proro 1966; Marx 1967; Dizard 1970). Since self
esteem is often infeed from measures of militancy, it should be noted that
many of the studies testing relative deprivation theory were done in the early
1960s when militancy was generally defined as favorable attitudes toward
integration.
THE. EFFECTS OF SUBCULTURE Another theoretical approach to the rise in
racial self-esteem focuses on socialization into a changing subculture. Ac
cording to this model, when the black subculture begins to sess black
pride, as it has since e late 1960s, the feeling is transmitted by cultural
adition and has a direct positive effect on an individual’s racial self-esteem.
Thus Abeles (1976) argues that while a sense of relative deprivation is im
portant at the beginning of a movement, as the movement grows and gains
acceptance individuals are socialized directly into “militant” beliefs-e.g.
group identification and black pride.
Paige (1970) finds that pro-black and anti-white sentiments are associated
in his young urban sample. Earlier studies of blacks had found that anti
black and anti-white feelings were directly related. These early findings were
explained by the authoritarian personality paradigm. Paige’s data indicated
that although authotarianism is still associated with self-haed among
blacks, it does not predict anti-white feelings. He suggests that the link be
tween a black’s self-esteem and his feeling toward whites is subcultural
rather than psychological; the relationship between the two should thus
change with changing situations. Some recent studies of blacks have sup
ported Paige’s findings of an inverse relationship between in-group and out
group sentiments (House & Fischer 1971; Toomer 1975; Chang & Ritter
1976).
If the subcultural explanation of high self-esteem is correct, the young
should exhibit the highest racial self-image; they are the most likely to have
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BLACK IDENTITY AND SELF-ESTEEM
59
been socialized into the new norms and values. Research indeed shows that
compared to their elders young blacks identify more closely with their own
group (Campbell & Schuman 1968; Krystal1 et al 1970; Hamm, Williams &
Dalhouse 1973; Toomer 1975) and express more anti-white sentiment (Marx
1967; Schuman & Hatchett 1974; House & Fischer 197 1).
Although high levels of anti-white sentiments were not then prevalent in
the black community (Campbell & Schuman 1968), some studies indicated
that during the late 1960’s a pro-black, anti-white ideology appealed to cer
tain segments of militant young. Yet feelings of positive black identity have
been associated with anti-white sentiment for only a minority of the young
population (Gurin & Epps 1975); some studies have not found this predicted
association at all (Caplan 1970). Black pride and belief in suctural barriers
to oppounity, not anti-white attitudes, seem to be the fundamental compo
nents of the new black suulture. These findings are reffrted in studies of
both college students (Orum 1972; Gurin & Epps 1975) and members of the
working-class (Caplan 1970).
Although high levels of black self-esteem have been reported among
ghetto youth who are not at the very bottom of the socioeconomic ladder
(Caplan 1970), the appearance among the black working class of a “new”
subculture involving black pde may somewhat overstated. For the black
working class, these values may represent an enhancement of cultural adi
