consumer confidence and focused on determining consumer
propensities toward future spending (e.g., Katona, 1963).
However, such measures were inherently limited due to their
focus on only one aspect of marketing, namely the price
element and how it relates to perceptions of future economic
outlooks. It was the prevailing marketing practices in the
1950s and 1960s such as misleading advertisements,
predatory pricing, general disregard for consumer safety,
and the subsequent rise of public criticism of these practices
which led to a need to monitor social perceptions of
marketing.
Most of the literature regarding consumer attitudes toward
the marketing function is based on the early work of
Barksdale and Darden (1972) and later Barksdale et al.
(1976). These researchers measured consumer attitudes
toward consumerism, government regulations, consumer
responsibility, and marketing activities. They found that US
consumers had fairly negative attitudes toward marketing
practices. This was consistent with the work of Hustad and
Pessemier (1973) and Lundstrom and Lamont (1976), who
also found generally negative perceptions of the marketing
field. Gaski and Etzel (1986) later modified Barksdale and
Darden’s measures and developed an index designed to
measure composite opinions regarding marketing. Their
construct corresponded to the four typical elements of the
marketing mix: (1) products/quality, (2) prices, (3) advertis-
ing, and (4) retailing/selling. They labeled their measure the
Index of Consumer Sentiment toward Marketing. According
to the authors, the scale provides a continuing ‘‘barometer of
how marketing is doing in the eyes of the consumer public’’
(Gaski and Etzel, 1986: p. 72). They argued that the
measurement of consumer sentiment toward marketing (1)
sensitizes marketers to consumers’ perceptions, (2) serves to
identify the nature of public relations tasks facing marketing,
(3) assists in gauging whatever progress is or is not being
made, and (4) demonstrates marketer concerns for public
opinion. As with previous research, they again found
relatively negative views toward marketing but also found
some improvement in consumer perceptions. Gaski and Etzel
specifically found female consumers’ perceptions of market-
ing to be slightly more positive than male consumers. More
recently, several researchers have attempted to shed light on
variations in consumer sentiment levels based on a range of
demographic variables. For example, Webster (1991) found
consumer differences in consumer attitudes toward market-
ing based on social class and income levels while Lawson
et al. (2001) found a strong positive relationship between
standards of living, measured in material terms, and
sentiment levels.
Consumer alienation from the marketplace
Extensive research has addressed the construct of consumer
alienation from the marketplace (e.g., Pruden et al., 1974;
Pruden and Leonardi, 1976; Shuptrine et al., 1977; Allison,
1978; Balasubramanian and Kamakura, 1989; Johnson,
1996). In essence, the construct is defined as consumer
feelings of separation from the norms and values that
characterize the typical marketplace. The marketplace is
conceptualized as the entire spectrum of institutions involved
in the offering of goods and/or services and the practices or
activities conducted by these institutions (Johnson, 1996).
The consensus from previous research is that alienated
individuals tend to lack any acceptance of or identification
with the existing market institutions, practices, and outputs
they must deal with as they assume their roles as consumers
(Pruden et al., 1974; Shuptrine et al., 1977). Specifically,
such individuals do not embrace the roles expected of them
as they engage in the exchange process and navigate the
marketplace. As a result, they become more and more
isolated socially. As a construct, alienation from the
marketplace has been found to be a conceptual aggregate
of more detailed dimensions (rather than discrete measurable
sub-scales). Seeman (1959) systematically identified five
variants or ways in which alienation has been conceptualized
in the literature: powerlessness, meaninglessness, normless-
ness, social isolation, and self-estrangement.
Powerlessness is the expectancy held by individuals that
their own behavior cannot determine the outcome or
reinforcement that they seek (Seeman, 1959). Johnson
(1996) identified this notion as a state in which consumers
feel that they cannot influence business behavior in an effort
to make those behaviors more consistent with their own
needs. As such, an alienated consumer believes he or she has
no control over any aspect faced in the marketplace.
Meaninglessness is a state in which the individual is unclear
as to what should be believed. This situation includes a lack
of clarity regarding standards set and used during individual
buyer behavior. That is, consumers do not feel that new
products or the whole process of consumerism is worth the
effort (Pruden et al., 1974). Consumer normlessness is a
situation in which social norms regulating behavior are no
longer effective rules for individual behavior. Johnson (1996)
defined it as a state in which consumers believe that
marketers will behave in ways that are unethical, unjust, or
undesirable in order to meet selfish goals (i.e., marketers
cannot be trusted). Social Isolation is a sense of isolation or
estrangement from the general marketing-based society
including its institutions, practices, and outputs (Seeman,
1959; Middleton, 1963). Self-Estrangement, a notion very
similar to social isolation, is when a person views him/herself
as an alien and can relate more easily to others than to him/
herself. Allison (1978) argued that self-estrangement is
dominated by a general lack of ability for an individual to
identify with behavior traditionally associated with his/her
role as a consumer. That is, consumption patterns are
associated with satisfying other peoples’ expectations rather
than one’s own.
Readiness to embrace new technology
Rogers (1995: p. 5) defines the innovation-adoption process
as the ‘‘process through which an individual (or other
decision-making unit such as a group, society, economy, or
country) passes through the innovation-decision process.’’
Accordingly, five stages make up the process: (1) knowledge
of innovation, (2) forming an attitude toward the innovation,
(3) deciding to adopt or reject the innovation, (4)
implementation of the innovation, and (5) confirmation of
the decision. This decision-making process, however, views
Copyright #2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 10: 192–204 (2011)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
194 T. T. Mady