A global perspective on the impact of demographic changes on family life

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A global perspective on the impact of demographic changes
on family life
The impact of changing life expectancy upon the family
In many modern societies life expectancy has increased dramatically over the last
fifty years for a variety of reasons. This trend has led to some sociologists to reflect
on the impact that this social change may be having on family structure and
dynamics. In particular, some sociologists are now paying attention to the role of
grandparents and the positive contribution that some now make to the experience of
childhood. This section will therefore examine why death rates have fallen and life
expectancy has increased and their implications for family life. Moreover, a range of
sociological research on the role grandparents play today in families especially with
regard to their grandchildren will be considered.
Explanations for the decline in death rates and rise in life expectancy
In many modern societies death rates dramatically fell during the course of the 20th
century because rising wages increased living standards, particularly the quality of
diet and housing, and lifted people out of poverty (which many sociologists agreed
was a major cause of death). Moreover, many governments took on the
responsibility of looking after their citizens from the cradle to the grave by creating
public health programmes, investing in public health - clean water supplies and
sanitation systems which safely removed sewage (which was a major cause of water-
borne diseases) and public hygiene programmes which made clear the link between
germs, disease and lack of cleanliness. Governments also invested heavily in health
care especially maternal health care which significantly cut the maternal and infant
death rates as well as the mass vaccination of children to protect them against
measles (a major killer in 19th century western societies). Advances in medical
technology, drugs and surgery now mean that people are more likely than ever to
survive cancer, heart disease and other life-threatening diseases. consequently life
expectancy in many societies has increased.
The dramatic decline of death rates and a parallel fall in women’s fertility (they are
having fewer children) have led to an ageing population in many modern societies.
For example, in Japan, 26 per cent of the population is over 65 years old and in Italy,
22 per cent of the population is over 65 years old. In the USA, about 15 per cent of
the population is aged over 65 and this population is expected to nearly double from
its present 48 million to 88 million by 2050. One in three babies born in Great Britain
in 2013 are expected to celebrate their 100th birthday. In contrast only 1 per cent of
those born in 1908 lived to be 100 years old. However, Chambers (2012) notes that it
is important to understand that:
(a) The elderly population of most western societies is not a uniform group
there are differences in the experience of ageing because of a variety of
factors including social class, gender, sexual orientation, location, migration
and the degree of family support.
(b) The elderly are often stereotyped as part of a culture of decline, for
example as ‘unproductive, infirm and dependent whilst the reverse is often
the case’ (p.112). Chambers argues that many elderly people remain
independent until death. They are active players in family life and they often
remain in paid work post-retirement age. For example, in many western
societies around 50 per cent of the elderly population report that they enjoy
good health. Furthermore, about one in five people aged between 65 and 74
are still economically active in western societies such as the USA and UK.
The impact of changing life expectancy upon the family
Changing life expectancy is impacting on the family and consequently childhood
in significant ways:
1. It has led to a significant increase in the number of elderly one-person
households as a proportion of all households. Most of these households are
female because women tend to outlive men. They may be housebound and
consequently very dependent on family members, social services and
neighbours for support. In traditional pre-industrial societies such single-
person households are less likely to exist because the collectivistic value
systems of such families mean that it is seen as a duty for adult children to
invite their parents to live with their family.
2. The number of extended families especially in modern societies may
increase as adult children may feel obliged to invite their parents to live
with them. Old age can be socially isolating and lonely and furthermore,
living alone can be potentially dangerous for the elderly because of limited
mobility or declining mental functions. In contrast, in traditional pre-
industrial societies, extended families are the norm because in many of these
societies it is regarded as shameful for family members not to look after their
elderly kin. In modern societies, there is evidence that working-class families,
in particular, still see great virtue in maintaining ties with elderly kin.
Feminist sociologists have noted that daughters tend to take on a
disproportionate responsibility for the care of elderly parents compared
with sons. Judith Healey and Stella Yarrow (1997) studied parents living
with children in old age and found most of their sample had moved into their
daughter’s household. Women are also more likely to be ‘sandwich carers’
which means they combine care of the elderly and the care of grandchildren.
Feminists point out that this increases both the domestic and emotional
burden on women who already take on most of the responsibility for caring
in families in terms of childcare and housework. Women’s disproportionate
responsibility for caring for elderly relatives may lead to economic inequality
between the sexes. Women are more likely than men to give up work in order
to care for elderly relatives. Caring responsibilities may mean that some
women are excluded from the full-time labour market. This potentially means
that some women carers may have to be economically dependent on men.
They may also more likely to suffer anxiety and emotional problems because
of the stress of caring for a physically or mentally deteriorating parent.
3. Beanpole families Julia Brannen (2003) claims that increasing life
expectancy has produced a new type of family the beanpole family which
contains four generations of direct kin.
The role and social position of grandparents in the family
The fact that many elderly people are active players in family life has led to many
sociologists embarking on the study of the impact of grandparenting on childhood
and family life. Chambers notes that there is a growing recognition that families
benefit from the presence of grandparents and that the interaction between
grandparents and grandchildren is of a higher quality compared with the past.
This is because grandparents today live longer. They are more healthy and active
compared with previous generations. Consequently they make a significant
contribution to the parenting and socialisation process. In this sense, elderly people
are a resource rather than a burden. A study carried out by a British insurance
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company in 2012 estimated that 5.8 million or 47 per cent of grandparents aged 50+
regularly look after their grandchildren for an average of 10 hours a week. This
amounts to saving nearly £11bn in childcare costs over a year. As well as donating
free childcare, nearly half these grandparents were also spending around £142 a
month towards the children's upbringing and an average of £293 towards holiday
costs per grandchild.
Dalia Ben-Galim and Amna Silim (2013) found that grandmothers are putting in a
greater number of informal childcare hours than grandfathers, and play a crucial
role in helping families with childcare. June Statham (2011) found that in families in
which the mother is in work or education, 71 per cent receive some level of childcare
from grandparents, and 35 per cent relied on grandparents as the main providers of
childcare.
There is evidence that caring for grandchildren is associated with a higher quality
of life. Jill Rutter and Ben Evans (2011) found that an overwhelming majority of
grandparents reported that caring for grandchildren had had a positive impact on
their lives. 93 per cent of grandparents and older carers aged between 55 and 64
years old found it a rewarding experience. In particular, it was found that
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